Thursday, 29 January 2015

ISIS kidnaps Arsal man


BAALBEK, Lebanon: ISIS militants deployed on the Syria border snatched Friday a Lebanese man on the outskirts of the northeastern town of Arsal, a security source said.


The source said Rawad Izzeddine, in his 20s, was kidnapped at dawn.


Izzeddine’s father, who runs a small business in Arsal, said the kidnappers contacted him hours after the abduction.


“Perhaps ISIS kidnapped my son to teach him to have faith in God,” he said without elaboration.




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Shebaa ambush won’t halt Hezbollah-Future talks:report


Hezbollah acts don’t represent Lebanon: minister


Hezbollah’s individual acts do not represent Lebanon, Information Minister Ramzi Joreige said Friday, days after...



Hezbollah acts don’t represent Lebanon: minister


BEIRUT: Hezbollah’s individual acts do not represent Lebanon, Information Minister Ramzi Joreige said Friday, days after tit-for-tat border violence between Hezbollah and Israel along the border.


“What Hezbollah declares and acts only represents itself as a political party that has a special status, but it does not represent the Lebanese government, which uses consensus as a decision-making method,” Joreige told Saudi newspaper Okaz.


He said only the head of the government has the right to speak for the government, stressing that Prime Minister Tammam Salam has expressed the government's official position, which represents the Lebanese state.


His remarks came in the wake of the latest wave of border violence following a Jan. 18 Israeli airstrike that killed six Hezbollah members and an Iranian general in Qunaitra in Syria’s Golan Heights.


Hezbollah launched a revenge attack Wednesday, killing at least two Israeli soldiers and wounding seven others in the occupied Shebaa Farms. The attack sparked Israeli artillery response on southern Lebanon.


“What happened in Shebaa Farms ... makes me worried, but not scared,” Joreige said, pointing to the “international umbrella that protects Lebanon from the repercussions of any war.”


He said the government was seeking to regain its decision-making power over war and peace.


In the aftermath of the attack, Salam stressed his government was committed to U.N. Resolution 1701, which put an end to the 2006 war with Israel.



"A True American Patriot" -- President Obama Pays Tribute to Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel


President Obama, Vice President Biden and Gen. Martin Dempsey participate in an Armed Forces farewell in honor of Secretary Hagel

President Barack Obama, Vice President Joe Biden and Gen. Martin Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff participate in an Armed Forces farewell in honor of Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel, left, at Joint Base Myer-Henderson Hall in Fort Myer, Va., Jan. 28, 2015. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)




The President traveled to Fort Myer, Virginia yesterday for the Armed Forces farewell ceremony in honor of our 24th Secretary of Defense, Chuck Hagel.


In his remarks, the President acknowledged Secretary Hagel's courageous work during his lifelong service as a decorated veteran and Secretary:



[T]oday is a celebration of a quintessentially American life -- a man from the heartland who devoted his life to America. Just imagine, in your mind’s eye, the defining moments of his life. The kid from Nebraska who, as Marty said, volunteered to go to Vietnam. The soldier outside Saigon, rushing to pull his own brother from a burning APC. The deputy at the VA who stood up for his fellow Vietnam vets who were exposed to Agent Orange. The senator who helped lead the fight for the Post 9/11 GI Bill, to give this generation of heroes the same opportunities that he had.


I asked Chuck to lead this department at a moment of profound transition. And today we express our gratitude for the progress under his watch.



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Behind the Budget: Dr. Julian Harris, OMB Associate Director for Health

"Behind the Budget" is a series of posts featuring audio stories from staffers from across the Office of Management and Budget, discussing aspects of the budget process that most Americans don't get to see.


In some ways, it's always budget season for the OMB health policy team: At any point in the year, they're likely to be either developing, negotiating, or implementing two or three fiscal year budgets at a time. This year's budget in particular includes a range of proposals, from those that make efficient improvements to health care acess and quality, to those with broader public health implications. That means, for instance, programs that invest in preparedness and disease prevention, efforts to combat antimicrobial resistance, and the NIH-lead effort to accelerate advances in the field of precision medicine.


Meet Dr. Julian Harris, OMB Associate Director for Health.



"Even though OMB is a part of the Executive Office of the President, the majority of the staff at the agency are career civil servants who have worked tirelessly and skillfully to help presidents of both parties deliver on their commitments to the American people."


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Indirect messages avert escalation


BEIRUT/ABBASIEH, Lebanon: As the guns fell silent and calm returned to both sides of the Lebanese-Israeli border Thursday, a day after a Hezbollah attack killed at least two Israeli soldiers in the Shebaa Farms, Israel and the party exchanged indirect messages that averted a full-scale military confrontation for now.


Lebanese troops and U.N. peacekeepers patrolled the border with Israel in the wake of the Hezbollah attack which came in retaliation for an Israeli airstrike that killed six party fighters and a top Iranian general in Syria’s Golan Heights on Jan. 18.


Israeli drones were seen flying over the area where Hezbollah fighters ambushed the Israeli convoy Wednesday, sparking several hours of artillery exchanges in south Lebanon.


Despite the calm along the tense border, Israel remained on high alert with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu blaming Iran for the attack.


“It is Iran that is responsible for yesterday’s [Wednesday’s] attack against us from Lebanon,” Netanyahu said. “We will continue to defend ourselves against all threats, near and far alike.”


However, Israel said it had received a message from UNIFIL, the U.N. peacekeeping force in Lebanon, that Hezbollah was not interested in further escalation.


A Lebanese source briefed on the situation told Reuters that Israel informed Hezbollah via UNIFIL “that it will make do with what happened yesterday and it does not want the battle to expand.”


Asked on Israel’s Army Radio whether Hezbollah had sought to de-escalate, Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Yaalon replied: “There are lines of coordination between us and Lebanon via UNIFIL and such a message was indeed received from Lebanon.”


A Hezbollah official, contacted by The Daily Star, declined to comment.


Prime Minister Tammam Salam has also received assurances that the latest wave of violence won’t lead to war. Sources close to the premier told The Daily Star that the assurances came after Salam conveyed urgent calls to Lebanon’s allies in the West and the Middle East and spoke by phone with local officials.


UNIFIL officials neither confirmed nor denied passing messages between Israel and Hezbollah.


UNIFIL says it has no contacts with Hezbollah but its head of mission was in close contact with Israel and the Lebanese government throughout the day. The channel of communication “is still open now and it is always open in order to ask the parties to exercise maximum restraint,” UNIFIL spokesman Andrea Tenenti said.


Meanwhile, a senior Iranian official arrived in Beirut to attend a Hezbollah ceremony to honor its six fighters killed in the Israeli strike in the Syrian town of Qunaitra.


“We are proud of our martyrs who fell in the Qunaitra attack, and we offer both our congratulations and condolences for [Hezbollah chief Sayyed Hasan] Nasrallah and the families of the martyrs,” Alaeddin Boroujerdi, the chairman of the Iranian parliamentary committee for national security and foreign policy, told reporters at Beirut’s airport.


Nasrallah is expected to deliver a speech at Friday’s ceremony outlining Hezbollah’s position following the attack in the Shebaa Farms.


“There is no doubt that the path that the Islamic resistance has chosen to fight the enemy is the sacred one, and we are committed to supporting it,” Boroujerdi said, praising Hezbollah’s retaliatory attack.


He had warned in a speech responding to the Israeli strike that Hezbollah’s retaliation to the “Zionist air attack will be severe.”


The U.N. Special Coordinator for Lebanon Sigrid Kaag reiterated the U.N.’s deep concern over the military escalation on the Lebanese-Israeli border and violation of U.N. Resolution 1701 that ended Israel’s 34-day war on Lebanon in 2006.


Speaking to reporters after meeting Salam at the Grand Serail to discuss the situation along the Lebanon-Israel border, Kaag expressed appreciation for Salam’s “clearly expressed commitment to Security Council Resolution 1701 and the importance of safeguarding Lebanon’s security and stability.”


“I reiterated the U.N. secretary-general’s deep concern over the security situation and the violations of Resolution 1701,” she said in a statement released by her office. “The U.N. continues to provide its good offices and calls on all parties to continue to exercise caution and restraint to avoid any action which could destabilize the situation.”


The Lebanese government, in which Hezbollah is represented, condemned the Israeli artillery shelling of some villages in the south, while reiterating “Lebanon’s firm commitment to Resolution 1701.”


“The Cabinet called on the U.N. organization with all its various institutions to shoulder their responsibility in preventing Israel from jeopardizing peace and security in this region,” Information Minister Ramzi Joreige said in a statement after the Cabinet weekly meeting.


“The Cabinet stressed its keenness on security and stability in the south and all Lebanese areas and the need to deny the Israeli enemy the chance to drag Lebanon into a wider confrontation that would threaten the region’s states and peoples and the entire regional peace,” he added.


The Cabinet also underscored the importance of Lebanese unity and solidarity to confront any Israeli attack, Joreige said.


In discussing items on the agenda, the Cabinet approved a decree calling for raising the number of policemen in the Internal Security Forces from 29,495 to 35,000.



Mayor: Beirut municipal council at odds with governor


BEIRUT: Beirut Mayor Bilal Hamad acknowledged that the municipal council has been having problems with the city’s new governor, adding that he would involve the interior minister to address their differences. “We are having some problems,” Hamad told The Daily Star in an interview. “I am a frank person.”


“He wants to study every little project that we decide on,” the mayor said, referring to Governor Ziad Chebib, who was appointed to his post last May.


“We said: ‘We decide, you execute, this is the law.’ But he has a big team and they want to study each and every decision and give their comments before they start implementing and this is taking time,” Hamad said. “If the governor wants to restudy the decision to amend it, then things will never get done.”


In all municipalities in Lebanon, the municipal council is tasked to decide on a policy and the mayor is in charge of seeing it through. However, Beirut is an exception – its mayor lacks the executive power to implement policies, which is in the hands of the governor.


The power distribution has been the source of tension between mayors and governors in the capital city for decades.


Hamad said that Beirut’s previous acting Governor Nassif Qaloush had blocked the execution of several municipal council decisions. “We are trying to get things that were halted by the previous governor to move,” he added.


Hamad voiced hope that Chebib would not affect the jurisdiction of the municipal council.


“These powers have been defined by the law rather than by me and I am not the person who will give them up,” he said.


He acknowledged that the municipal council and Chebib’s new administration needed time to get familiar with each other.


The mayor said he would resort to involving Interior Minister Nouhad Machnouk to help to solve issues burgeoning between the council and Chebib. The ministry has a supervisory authority over municipalities.


“When we feel projects need support with administration ... we resort to the interior minister,” Hamad said.


Separately, the mayor outlined projects the municipality was working on, including public gardens and parking lots.


He boasted that the Sanayeh Public Garden, refurbished last year, was now “the most beautiful piece of land in Lebanon.”


“This is our dream, this is what we are, this speaks about our vision for green spaces.”


He added that the municipality had just completed a “beautiful garden” in Hawd al-Wilaya neighborhood, and the construction of another public garden in Mar Nicolas, Ashrafieh, would start very soon. The municipality has also approved the design of a new garden nearby in Sioufi.


“Now it is with the governor to implement. He has to prepare the tender, and then we will launch the bidding [to select a company to construct the garden].”


The municipality is also working on building a public garden in Karantina and a third one in Ashrafieh, which will be named after Beirut Metropolitan Orthodox Archbishop Elias Audi.


Hamad said that when he became mayor in 2010, he and then-Culture Minister Salim Warde agreed on a policy to protect heritage buildings not included in the Culture Ministry’s list of heritage sites.


Under the policy, anyone who wants to demolish a building must first get permission from the Culture Ministry, whose officials will inspect it. The owner of the building can only receive demolition authorization from the municipality by presenting a permission form.


Hamad also noted that the renovation of the Karantina slaughterhouse would conclude in a month.


Last November, Chebib ordered the closure of the slaughterhouse because it failed to meet health and safety standards.


Hamad echoed that the current slaughterhouse was not up to standard. “We will look for a place to have a modern slaughterhouse ... whether it is in the same location or another location, we have not decided yet, but we will decide and we will have a modern slaughterhouse for Beirut.”


Hamad went on to say the municipality had decided to expropriate 10 pieces of land to construct multistory parking lots in a bid to solve parking problems in the capital.


These pieces of land are located in Hamra, Mar Elias, Burj Abi Haidar, Zarif, Corniche al-Mazraa and Ashrafieh, among other neighborhoods.


However, he said the expropriation process was very sluggish.


To expropriate a piece of land, the government issues a decree and submits it to the Committee of Expropriations. Headed by a government-appointed judge, the committee appraises the piece of land and informs the municipal council, which pays the appraised price to the landowner.


“None of them has reached the Expropriation Committee yet ... none of the decrees has been issued by the government yet ... it’s taking time,” Hamad said.


The mayor voiced hope that construction of a parking lot under Martyrs’ Square would begin by the summer.


“We will have parking for 1,600 cars and above it there will be a beautiful landscape designed by Renzo Piano, who’s one of the top architects in the world.”



Sectarianism: When dividing lines prove lifelines for the affiliated


BEIRUT: Lebanon’s sectarian political system is an obstacle to stability and national unity, many have argued. But for citizens searching for welfare services, the connection to sect may put food on the table, or provide a dying child with medical treatment. In her recent book, “Compassionate Communalism: Welfare and Sectarianism in Lebanon,” Melani Cammett explores how Lebanon’s political parties practice social welfare allocation. Last week, Cammett, a Harvard University professor of government, shared her research findings in a lecture at the American University of Beirut’s Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs.


Relying on quantitative and qualitative survey methods, as well as Geographic Information Systems analysis, Cammett’s research assessed the interactions of politicians, Lebanese welfare recipients, and sectarian-run institutions. The Daily Star spoke to Cammett about her findings, and about how fractionalized politics influence health and welfare outcomes.


Q: Can you tell us about the focus of your book?


A: The book is about the way that sectarianism operates within the Lebanese welfare regime, specifically the component of the welfare regime in which the major sectarian political parties are involved. The research looks at the political factors that shape the ways [in which] that parties aim to distribute benefits, focusing on the conditions under which they distribute benefits ... even across communal lines, and when they focus more narrowly on group members, and especially the subset of hard-core supporters within their respective religious communities.


I address some larger issues toward the end of the book about the implications of the sectarian dimensions of the welfare regime for politics and intergroup reconciliation, for the functioning and the efficiency of the health system. [Also] for building national identity given the diverse understandings of Lebanese history taught in many schools, and for access to social services.


Q: How does the Lebanese sectarian power-sharing system impact social welfare and health care allocation? How does it help or hurt the individual?


A: On the micro-level, it depends on who you are and if you are hooked up tightly in these networks. If you are not part of these networks, it definitely doesn’t help you. And we should emphasize from the outset that these charitable welfare networks are not serving the entire Lebanese citizenry; they tend to serve people from lower income brackets, the poor and lower middle class, since wealthier citizens opt out of the system by seeking services at private, for-profit providers.


I have the sense that the percentage of population that is going to places [run by sectarian organizations] is increasing, in large part because of increasing inequality and need, and in part because there is some evidence that the quality of services at these places has improved.


Q: What role does the Health Ministry play within this field of sectarian, social welfare distributors?


A: I guess the best way I could answer that is to say that the Health Ministry operates within a system that is sectarian. Posts and governmental positions are allocated along sectarian lines, so that’s the reality in which the ministry functions, regardless of the orientations and preferences of people who work there.


Ministry officials don’t have the power to remake the political system and welfare regime entirely and therefore they face serious challenges in reducing some of the inefficiencies that come from such a fragmented system. Nonetheless, in many respects, they maneuver effectively within the realities of the system, while trying to improve the situation.


Q: In your lecture, you spoke about the impact of party affiliation on access to welfare benefits. To what extent is access determined by an individual’s religion?


A: For the very mobile, short-term benefits such as food assistance and cash that are associated with elections, notably with vote- and turnout-buying, my survey shows partisanship rather than religion is associated with access to benefits. For example, it is not so much about being a Sunni, but being a Future Movement supporter ... That is an important distinction I tried to emphasize. Once you introduce the variable of “do you support the Future Movement?” in the statistical analyses, being a Sunni is no longer relevant to being linked to access to benefits. That shows it’s not about your religious identification, it is your party identification that matters. So this is not about religion; it is about politics.


Q: What are the implications of your results for social welfare and public health in Lebanon?


A: I think these findings matter a lot for how we think about how people make ends meet, and we are talking about people in need; people with precarious living situations, not the elite. This is very class based.


Certainly, if you are hooked into the political system, the system can work well for you. You can assure your daily living needs and reach a certain level of security for you and your family, especially if you are a core supporter of a party. But many people face a fragmented system that forces them to go from place to place to try to make ends meet, especially if they are not hooked into these networks. It’s exhausting. Many of the in-depth, qualitative interviews with people describing their efforts to access services and assistance were heartbreaking.


Q: Can you give an example of someone, affected by this fragmentation, whom you interviewed?


A: There was a man in Baalbek who described how, years ago, he had a 1-month-old baby who became gravely ill and almost died. He went from place to place in the city, walking, hitching rides, desperately seeking care for his child but he was denied care for lack of resources. Finally somebody picked him up on the road and took him to a place ... minutes were precious for the life of this baby.


Q: Public health research emphasizes the social determinants of health, like age, gender and socioeconomic status. How is partisanship also a social determinant of health, particularly in the Lebanese context?


A: I published an article with a co-author, using the data from my survey [on Lebanon], just focusing on financial assistance for health, and we showed similar results as what I reported here today: that partisan identification and political activism are strongly associated with access to benefits and financial assistance for health care.


The public health literature rightly emphasizes socioeconomic status, race, gender ... these are key factors affecting health status, even more than access to health care. But what we tried to introduce in our work is that there is another dimension here in Lebanon and elsewhere that can shape health and access to medical care, and that is what I term “micro-politics.” Of course, it is more malleable than race or gender, and is essentially a form of political clientelism.


Q: In terms of the major sectarian groups in Lebanon, which ones are the most active?


A: If we simply measure by infrastructure, then among the sectarian political parties Hezbollah definitely has the largest network in health. They have the largest number of institutions overall. The Hariri Foundation has the second-largest, as far as I can tell.


At the same time, the [non-sectarian] Lebanese Red Cross has an enormous network of institutions as well. In terms of non-sectarian organizations the Lebanese Red Cross is an important player, among others such as the Amel Association or Nejdeh Sha’abiyeh, but the field is really dominated by providers linked to sectarian political parties and religious charities.


“Compassionate Communalism: Welfare and Sectarianism in Lebanon” is available for purchase in Lebanon at Antoine bookstore.



Region’s first domestic workers union fights for life


BEIRUT: At the end of last week, on an otherwise insignificant Sunday, something momentous happened: Lebanon became home to the region’s first domestic workers union.


The move faces serious resistance from the Labor Ministry, which has called the union “illegal,” but has also been hailed as a major step toward better protecting the rights of some quarter of a million migrants who are among the most vulnerable parts of Lebanese society.


“We bring those people to Lebanon in a legal way and we let them work in a legal and reside in a legal way,” Castro Abdallah, president of the National Federation of Labor Unions, told The Daily Star. “So why not giving them the right to be organized also in a legal way, in light of their significant number?”


“These foreign women work at our homes and clean our messes, so the least we can do is offer them the right to be organized in a union,” he added. “They are human beings after all.”


The launch of the union – made up of Lebanese and foreign members – on Jan. 25 saw about 350 domestic workers of various nationalities gather for its inaugural congress. It was the result of years of work by the National Federation of Labor Unions, with the support of the International Labor Organization, to help some 250,000 foreign workers fight for their rights.


According to Human Rights Watch’s 2015 World Report, domestic workers are “excluded from the labor law and subject to restrictive immigration rules based on the ‘kafala’ system, the visa sponsorship system that ties workers to their employers and puts workers at risk of exploitation and abuse.”


The union has so far only elected its 12-member executive board, and must wait until this Sunday – the only day in the week domestic workers are usually given off – to hold elections for the president and other specific positions.


“This union is definitely the first in the Arab world,” Abdallah said.


Zeina Mezher, Lebanon project manager at the ILO, praised the union as “an opportunity for workers that often feel isolated to connect and advocate on their issues collectively using bargaining tools available to workers in other sectors.”


“The next step is to help them engage in a meaningful dialogue with the government and employers,” she added.


But this may be more difficult than it sounds, as the Labor Ministry is not pleased with the development.


“Advanced laws would solve the problems that the [domestic worker] sector is suffering from, not the formation of groups under the guise of a syndicate that will get them involved in new conflicts,” it said in a statement released Monday.


Labor Minister Sejaan Azzi is in the process of promoting a draft law, based on ILO Convention 189, to the Cabinet that he says would better serve domestic workers’ rights than a union. The law would require a written contract between employer and employee in the native languages of both parties, an insurance contract for the employee, and an eight-hour daily working limit, with exceptions in certain circumstances. Convention 189 sets out international labor standards for the industry.


“Unofficial sides have been trying for weeks now to create a union for domestic workers in Lebanon,” the ministry statement said. “The Labor Ministry does not desire to argue about this illegal issue.”


Until the ministry approves the new body, it remains unofficial.


Regardless, those involved in the union are excited, seeing it as an important step in the direction of the international standards that were set in Geneva four years ago.


Gemma Justo, a 48-year-old Filipino domestic worker, has been in Lebanon since she was 27.


“When I first arrived, there was not much awareness of such a thing as domestic workers rights,” she said with a laugh. “That was until June 2011 when the ILO Convention 189 was born. That gave us courage and inspiration that we can, by organizing ourselves, form a union so that we can have a basis for decent work and better legal protection.”


Justo says she is treated well where she works, but is painfully aware not everyone has it so good. So, last Sunday, she joined the newly created union’s executive board.


“It is a small step, and a big step,” Justo said. “Lebanon is the first one to do this thing in the Arab region. So although we are small, we are also big.”



Hezbollah to sustain calculated retaliation against Israel


BEIRUT: The most serious escalation between Hezbollah and Israel since the end of the 2006 war appears to have tailed off into an uneasy calm, leaving both sides mulling the lessons of the past 11 days.


After intense speculation as to the manner of Hezbollah’s retaliation for the Jan. 18 airstrike near Qunaitra on the Golan that killed an Iranian general and six party personnel, including Jihad Mughniyeh, and Mohammad Issa, a senior field commander, Hezbollah opted for a “Shebaa Farms-plus” operation to exact revenge and attempt to restore its deterrence.


Hezbollah fired six Russian Kornet anti-tank missiles at a convoy of five Israeli military vehicles that was following the border road at the foot of the Shebaa Farms hills around 2.5 kilometers east of Ghajar, the village bisected by the Blue Line.


Two of the missiles struck their targets – two soft-skinned pickup trucks – one missile apparently went astray and hit a house in Ghajar and the other three presumably missed.


The attack carried more heft than the routine pre-2006 Shebaa Farms operations consisting of mortar shelling of Israeli outposts or a roadside bomb attack against a patrol. In the grim balance sheet of score-settling, it was important for Hezbollah to inflict fatalities among the Israeli troops in revenge for the victims of the Qunaitra airstrike.


The toll of two dead Israeli soldiers and seven wounded should ensure that Hezbollah does not feel compelled to stage another attack to fulfill its reprisal.


The last time that Hezbollah employed anti-tank missiles to ambush an Israeli army convoy in the Shebaa Farms was in April 2001, before the Israelis built new supply roads hidden from the line-of-sight wire-guided Sagger systems then used by Hezbollah.


Therefore, the choice of the ambush site carried some significance. Unlike the Shebaa Farms with its steep wooded valleys, the target of the ambush was located on the flat plain at the foot of the occupied mountainside, a good environment for Hezbollah’s Kornet missiles which have a range of about 5 km.


Furthermore, attacks in the heart of the Shebaa Farms (such as the Oct. 7 roadside bomb ambush near the Israeli Rwaisat al-Alam outpost) cannot be seen from the Lebanese side of the Blue Line. But Wednesday’s missile ambush was in full view of anyone east of Khiam.


Hezbollah is a master of propaganda and psychological warfare and the photographs and video footage of burning vehicles and wounded Israeli soldiers being treated on the roadside, which were splashed across the media of Lebanon, Israel and beyond, were almost as important for Hezbollah as the casualties they inflicted in the attack itself.


In the game of deterrence and one-upmanship played by Hezbollah and Israel, perception is often more important than the reality. And the perception from Wednesday’s action was that Hezbollah was undaunted by Israeli threats, picked up Israel’s gauntlet and flung it back.


The Israeli retaliation was limited to a relatively heavy bombardment of around 130 artillery and mortar rounds against areas facing the Shebaa Farms, one of which killed a Spanish UNIFIL peacekeeper.


Such a response is in keeping with past reactions to Hezbollah’s Shebaa Farms operations. That Israel did not escalate its response to, say, attacking Hezbollah targets in the Bekaa Valley suggests that it surmised there was little to gain from escalating the situation further.


Israel’s decision of forbearance may well have been aided by the signals sent by Hezbollah to diplomats and apparently the UNIFIL commander that it was uninterested in further fighting.


There are, perhaps, two pressing questions that arise from this 10-day drama. The first is that, given the outcome, why did Israel carry out the assassination of the Hezbollah cadres in the Golan in the first place?


The rationales that have leaked from Israel (which officially has not claimed responsibility) remain contradictory or unconvincing. The main stated reason was that Mughniyeh and his companions were preparing the infrastructure to mount resistance operations into the Israeli-occupied side of the Golan.


It is clear from a series of actual and attempted attacks in the Golan almost a year ago in response to an Israeli airstrike near Janta in the Bekaa that the strategic plateau has become a locus of deniable operations for Hezbollah, a safer option of signaling displeasure toward Israel than doing so from Lebanese soil.


Furthermore, Hezbollah perhaps has a motive for needling the Israelis from time to time in the Golan to “punish” Israel for its alleged covert cooperation with some Syrian rebel forces in the area.


Syrian rebels have seized ground in recent months in the Deraa and Qunaitra provinces. That reason alone is why it makes little sense for Hezbollah to be planning a whole new resistance campaign at a time when it and the Syrian army are struggling to prevent further territorial losses.


Even if the Israeli claims are true, killing Mughniyeh and the others offers no guarantee that Hezbollah would halt its resistance plans for the Golan. But it did guarantee that Hezbollah would exact revenge for the airstrike which is what happened Wednesday, and two Israeli soldiers are dead and the party’s deterrence has been restored – for now.


The second question is whether this episode will mark an end to the general calm that has existed along the Blue Line (and the Golan for that matter) since 2006 or whether it will in fact reinforce it.


Since the end of the 2006 war, there have only been six incidents of violence between Hezbollah and Israel across the Blue Line: the shooting of an Israeli colonel in Adaisseh in August 2010, the ambush against Israeli troops that crossed the border near Labboune in August 2013, Israel’s airstrike against a Hezbollah facility in Janta in February last year and three attacks against Israeli forces in the Shebaa Farms area, including Wednesday’s operation.


Significantly, four of those incidents have occurred within the past 12 months. Additionally, they do not include several small-scale anti-Israeli attacks from the Golan since December 2013, some of which were likely the work of Hezbollah or its allies.


Despite the uptick in recent months of hostilities between Hezbollah and Israel, the events of the past 10 days left both sides staring into the abyss of all-out war, one which they have been preparing for since 2006 but which neither currently seeks.


Still, despite that sobering view from the brink, further occasional anonymous anti-Israel attacks in the Golan are likely. And Wednesday’s events – as well as those of the past year – demonstrate that Hezbollah will continue to retaliate to any overt Israeli action, albeit in a carefully calibrated manner to avoid broader hostilities.



HRW: Abusive policies bound to backfire


BEIRUT: The practice of ill-treatment and torture by security services during crackdowns will exacerbate the security situation in Lebanon, Human Rights Watch officials said Thursday during the launch of their 2015 World Report. Speaking at a conference held at the Riviera Hotel in Beirut, Human Rights Watch Deputy Director in the Middle and North Africa Nadim Houry outlined the practice of torture and ill-treatment by the country’s security services during 2014.


These included cases of Syrian and Lebanese nationals being subjected to severe whippings, beatings and electrocution during interrogation and while being detained at checkpoints.


After his speech, he told The Daily Star that fighting terrorism while committing human rights violations was counterproductive.


“Experience of abuses in the name of fighting terror has shown time and time again that policies that don’t respect human rights are bound to fail,” Houry said. “You can think of Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, but you can also think about the main prisons in the Arab world ... The injustice and the torture [carried out in these prisons] have actually been direct contributing factors to [ISIS].”


The year 2014 saw a range of security crackdowns by the Lebanese Army and security forces as they attempted to address the array of security threats – seen as a spillover from the civil war in neighboring Syria – that faced the country. These included two security plans in Tripoli and clashes with the Nusra Front and ISIS in Arsal when they tried to overrun the border town of Arsal.


The chapter on Lebanon from the 25th annual report by HRW highlighted that many Syrian refugees were prevented from leaving Arsal during the clashes and both sides were reported to have shot indiscriminately at civilian targets. Some 59 civilians – 44 Syrians and 15 locals – were killed in the fighting.


The increased security measures during the year have led to several countries – most notably the United States and Saudi Arabia – pouring military aid into Lebanon over the course of the past year.


Executive Director of Human Rights Watch Kenneth Roth told The Daily Star that this aid should be contingent on respect for human rights, as this is the most effective way to resolve security issues.


“We are finding that, particularly when there is a security incident, whether in Arsal or a bombing in Tripoli, even the Army has been resorting to torture,” Roth said. “I think those are the kind of abuses that can begin to backfire if they alienate the local population and make it harder to gain that population’s co-operation in fighting against that security threat.”


The report also referenced a study by the U.N. Committee Against Torture that found that “torture in Lebanon is a pervasive practice that is routinely used” by security services.


While the Army was not available for comment Thursday, Lt. Gen. Joseph Moussallem, chief of communications for the Internal Security Forces, said the ISF has many mechanisms for raising complaints, including via social media.


All specific cases are investigated and addressed, he added.


The prosecution of journalists for “defaming” or criticizing the state was also condemned by the report. It highlighted the charges brought against bloggers Jean Assy and Imad Bazzi and the Al-Akhbar journalists Rasha Abou Zaki and Mohammad Nazzal who were both fined.


“Ambiguous definitions of defamation and slander open the door for silencing legitimate criticism of public officials,” the report said.


The government’s handling of the Syrian refugee crisis was also discussed at length by Houry, specifically the measures designed to stem the influx flow of refugees – who now number over 1.1 million.


These measures included one introduced in May that bans the entry of Palestinians coming from Syria, and a range of new entry regulations for Syrian nationals introduced on Dec. 31. The new entry regulations categorize those crossing the border based on their reason for entry, such as travel, business or medical care, among others. A section for displaced persons was added later.


Houry said these new regulations violated international law as they could reject entry to people whose lives were in danger. The report also highlighted that the high cost and difficulty of renewing residency permits, combined with the fact that many refugees cannot return to Syria, often forcing them to stay in Lebanon illegally and risk being arrested.


Houry called on the Lebanese government to expand the requirements for Syrians coming into Lebanon in order to allow anyone that would qualify as a refugee into the country.


He also called on the government to meet the requirements of the U.N. Convention against Terrorism act, which Lebanon ratified in 2008, and set up a national institution to monitor detention facilities.


The report did commend Parliament’s passing of a protection against domestic violence law last year.


“It’s an important law, it has many flaws, but it is a step forward,” Houry said. “The enactment of this law shows that sustained lobbying can lead to results.”



Guantanamo Bay A Sticking Point Between U.S., Cuba Since 1903



Audio for this story from All Things Considered will be available at approximately 7:00 p.m. ET.





Guantanamo Bay is home to the United States' oldest overseas base. And since it was established in 1903, the base has been a bone of contention in U.S. and Cuban relations. Melissa Block talks to Vanderbilt History professor Paul Kramer.



The Simple Pleasures of Poetweet


If you haven't already, take a few minutes today to play around with Poetweet. It's a simple tool that automatically generates a poem—a sonnet, rondel, or indriso—from a preexisting Twitter handle. The tool, which was developed by the foreign agency b_arco, allows any user to enter any account, choose one of three poetry formats, and, so long as the account has an undisclosed number of tweets (somewhere in the high hundreds/low thousands), the finished product usually comes out somewhat sensical.


The program appears to cull from loosely-related topics or keywords within a user's timeline. Even when the words it selects do not make perfect sense, they often form an intriguing abstract expression.


More than anything, though, a Poetweet seems to serve as a pretty good primer on that user's particular Twitter style, tone, and voice.


See below:










Ray Lewis on Abusive Coaches, the Seahawks' Greatness, and What He Meant About Tom Brady


Earlier this month, Ray Lewis came under fire for saying that the Tuck Rule is the only reason we know who Tom Brady is. And during last Sunday's Pro Bowl, he criticized the Patriots, saying that if they end up winning the Super Bowl, there should be an asterisk next to the title, in light of the ongoing Deflategate controversy.


But Lewis didn't want to talk about any of this when we called him in Arizona the day following the Pro Bowl. Instead, we discussed Spike TV's upcoming reality series Coaching Bad , which sees Lewis and anger management counselor Christian Conte attempt to reform overly abusive youth league coaches. If the teasers are any indication, it looks to be a kind of cross between Intervention and Friday Night Tykes (which airs Tuesdays at 9 p.m. on the Esquire Network, by the way). The show, which premieres Sunday, February 8, is a harsh but necessary reminder of what kids who play sports stand the risk of being subjected to on a day-to-day basis if parents don't take the effort to get to know who is coaching their children.


For Lewis, it's all about making sure coaches understand the influence they have over the kids they have been trusted to not only care for but to teach. Coaches are more than just sports instructors; when they're with the kids on their teams, they're surrogate parents, and their impact should not be underestimated. In addition to his mission to reform youth coaching practices, we were able to talk with Lewis about the NFL post-season—although Deflategate was off the table—as well as what he really meant by that comment about Tom Brady.


ESQUIRE.COM: What made you want to make a show about reforming abusive coaches?


RAY LEWIS: Coaching is something I’ve been a part of my entire life. One of the things I’ve always been very passionate... I’ve always had a problem with the things that people would say out of their mouths to other people. I’ve always had a problem with that, because a lot of people, they don’t have enough information to speak to people a certain way or speak about people a certain way. Everyone has an opinion on your situation, your circumstance, what you’re going through, and nobody has a clue. That’s what coaches do to kids. They don’t know what backgrounds they come from. They don’t know what environment they have to go back to. They don’t know if they ate that day, if they’re going back to a meal, if they have an abusive family. They don’t know what they’re going home to. One of the things I’ve always said is that if you’re given the ability to coach kids, then you’re really given the ability to be a father or parent of some sort. That’s why the issue for me is such a huge issue. Some of these kids are spending more time with the coaches than they are with their parents. The coach is supposed to be raising these kids, not belittling them and talking to them like the world is coming to an end.


ESQ: What kind of first-hand experience have you had dealing with abusive coaches, either personally or that you've experienced as your kids have grown up playing sports?


RL: I’ve seen it all the way through. From Little League on up you have tough coaches that are going to curse the hell out of you. It was very rare to have calm coaches. You get up to different levels. You get up to college and the NFL and you get paid all this money in the NFL and these coaches come out and want to curse you like they’re the smartest people in the world. It’s a bad place when you see sometimes how coaches treat people. I don’t even want to say players. I want to say people. They’re people before they become a player. It’s a passionate thing for me at this level in life because something has to change. Somebody has to give a wakeup call to our coaching world to ask them real questions and show them that if you have kids, then you know there is no way you can talk to somebody else like that, because that’s somebody’s child.


ESQ: Why do you think some of these coaches feel it's acceptable to curse and demean 10-year-old kids? Do you think there's a kind of romantic aspect to the tough, no-nonsense coach portrayed in movies and in the media that enables this behavior?


RL: Some of them have different issues, but what was interesting, doing this research and going through this with these coaches, is how we found out that a bunch of them are dealing with deeper issues from their past. That’s the trigger that never changed. That’s the fire that gets them going rah rah rah. When I started watching some of the footage, some of the film of men and women coaches treating players the same way, I’m looking at them and thinking, What's wrong! They messed up on a play. Wait a minute. You're taking this way out of context. But when you sit down with them and you really start to get into their lives and you spend time with people, which is what I’m recommending with this show... Parents needs to spend more time with who they’re trusting their kids with. That’s one of the nuggets going forward. Find out who these coaches are. Figure out their environment and what kind of problems they have, and see if you want your child involved with that. I think this show will open up eyes for parents to say maybe I need to go check on my child.


ESQ: These are extreme cases you're dealing with on the show, but do you ever think, at higher levels of competition, overly aggressive or "abusive" coaching can be a good thing? That that style of coaching may sometimes be helpful for certain players?


RL: Now this is me, but if you want to get something done, there is always an alternate route other than cursing somebody and belittling them. There’s always an alternate route. If you want to get any message across. Everybody has an opinion, and everybody has their own way of doing things, but the bottom line is that when you affect someone else, you should pay closer attention to how you treat people. Period. It doesn’t go any farther than that. Everybody has the ability to say yes or no based on how you approach them. But if you come at them the way some of these coaches and some of these people come at them, you don’t have a chance. You send them back to places that you just never know.


We’re in a tough place in this world. There are a lot of kids giving up very early. Scripture says it takes a village to raise one child, and that’s what these coaches are going to have to go back and understand. It takes a village to really educate these children and really give them what parents can’t give them all the time. Parents may be always working, parents may be in and out. When you’re dropping them off with coaches, the first thing kids should be coming back and saying is, ‘Mom, guess what I learned today? Guess what coach taught me today?’ Most of my coaches, my high school coach, he became a father figure in my life. Yes, he was my coach, but he became a father figure in my life because of the way he treated me, regardless of my circumstances.


ESQ: Could you see yourself coaching at the NFL level?


RL: See, so at the NFL level everything is money-driven. That’s why I like college football a lot, because it’s the dream that you’re chasing. The dream of one day possibly making it, with the harsh reality that only one percent make it. So I could see myself coaching at different levels, but my coaching style would be totally different and totally unique. Everybody will be held accountable for their own actions. I’m going to put it out there, I’m going to say it one time. You look at things now with all of these young kids coming into the game. If you go back through my entire career of me being mic’d up and all these different things… My momma raised me so well. I have so much respect for people that are my elders. You aren’t going to hear me cursing around people that are 60 and 70 years old. That’s why my coaching style will be very unique. One of my first rules is to respect your elders. Period. Then we’ll go from there. But who knows? Who knows what the future holds? It’s all on parenting, one way or another. I don’t care what level it is, it comes back to people learning how to deal with people.


ESQ: Switching to the NFL, how gratifying has it been for you to see the Seahawks dominating like they have in a time where everyone seems to place the emphasis on offense.


RL: In an era where everything is offensive and how can you make the offense better, when you actually see defense being played like the Seattle Seahawks are playing defense, you appreciate the game differently. You’re talking to one of the pilots of arguably the greatest defense in history. That being said, it’s a humbling thing when you know the things they had to overcome with all of the different rules nowadays when you watch Seattle play football. Going back three Super Bowls, from my last one [in 2013], if you go back enough, we put all this emphasis on this great offensive production, but the majority of these Super Bowls, and this is the old cliché you’ve heard before: Offense wins games, defense wins championships. That’s what is starting to be shown again. Regardless of how well you can be offensively, if you have a great defense, you can deal with any offense. That’s what the Seattle Seahawks are showing right now and that’s what we started years ago. If a team has a bunch of athletes like the Seahawks have got, then you’ve got problems.


ESQ: There's been a lot of parity in the league as of late, but the Seahawks looks like they could have the chance to turn into a team that dominates with more consistency than we've seen in a long time. Do you like it when there are one or two truly dominant teams at the top of the league that everyone is gunning for year after year, or would you rather have it be wide open every season?


RL: Do you know what makes them so good? Seriously? It’s because they’ve made a commitment as a team, as brothers. It’s a brotherhood. In a day and time where free agency takes away the loyalty of the game, Seattle has done it different. If you think about what they’ve done. Seattle built around, their total infrastructure… Russell Wilson is still playing on his rookie contract, but everyone else around him is being signed up. The Shermans, the Kam Chancellors, the Earl Thomases, the D-line. You think about what they’re saying in their locker room, they’re saying, ‘Let’s keep this together as long as we can, man. We all want to make money. I understand that...’ But in an era that’s run on free agency, everybody’s going where the dollars are. They go after the dollars and they forget that the game will always come down to brotherhood. So when you find a team that dominant, it didn’t just happen because it happened. It happened because they made a commitment to stay with each other that long to do it. And it’s beautiful to see, because you don’t see a lot of teams staying together that long anymore.


ESQ: Which players have impressed you the most this year that you feel haven't gotten the recognition they deserve?


RL: Watching the season for me is about watching the chess matches. It’s not a player per se, but one of the best sequences of events was the Green Bay and Seattle game two weeks ago. The intriguing part of that game, and the only reason I sat back and watched that game like I did, is that you’ve got two masters: Aaron Rodgers’s offense and Seattle’s defense. How else could you draw up an NFC championship? That’s the thing that impressed me the most, the chess match of decisions that ultimately determined the outcome. It’s poetry to watch the game when the game is left alone, when there’s not a bunch of flags on the ground. Let them play! Let them play, man. Let the game take care of itself. That was one of the games of the year that I really appreciated being played out the way it was played out.


ESQ: Speaking of letting the players play, you recently made some comments about the Tuck Rule. What did you think of Dez Bryant's "catch" the week before? How does that compare?


RL: We’re defining legacies and things by rules. Rules should not define who goes on and who plays for the Lombardi. It should be the players. That’s all my argument is. My argument is to stop doing this. Everybody wants to say, Oh my gosh! You said Tom Brady may not be... That’s not what I freaking said. I simply said that the Tuck Rule took two organizations in two completely different directions. That’s a fact. The Raiders went backward and the Patriots went forward. One decision changed that, and that’s what I’m saying. The refs are so confused themselves because there’s so many rules. It’s like, 'Oh my gosh I’ve never seen this many rules in my life.' And everybody’s trying to govern this and justify that. Now they’ve got commentators coming on and speaking about the rules and it’s too much. It becomes…To me, it’s personal. If you’re anybody who plays this game and have put enough years in. I’ve always said to the refs to not be the ones to decide the game. Let the players dictate the outcome.



Basque-ing in flavors, chef Canales lands in Beirut


BEIRUT: “In the lives of the people coming to the workshops, there will be two moments: before and after coming to the workshop,” celebrated chef Fernando Canales told The Daily Star.


The native Spaniard, who has worked at two Michelin-starred restaurants, recently decided to visit Beirut to hold workshops at the Phoenicia Hotel and prepare a dinner at Le Vendome Hotel’s restaurant, Sydney’s.


But such activities aren’t only for participants’ learning, he added, they are also opportunities for him to further expand his knowledge by acquiring techniques and expertise from those present.


“I like [workshops] because I learn a lot from people, they teach me things and how they cook ... if they think they’re going to come here, sit, see me and going to learn – no,” he laughed.


Hailing from Spain’s Basque Country, Canales explained that a love for cooking runs deep among residents there. Basque cuisine is at the heart of the culture of the semiautonomous region, which has boasted dining clubs since the 20th century, in which men gather to cook and eat, known as txoko in the local language.


“We love cooking and in our country, different from the rest of Spain, the man cooks,” Canales said. “Cooking in our country is a religion, we love cooking. It’s like the Lebanese – the Lebanese are the Basque of Arabia and we are the Lebanese of Spain.”


The Basque Country sits in northern Spain, along the mountainous Pyrenees border with France, and is surrounded by the Bay of Biscay. Its location is reflected in its cuisine, and Canales attributed the strength of his region’s dishes to the Basque’s reliance on fish and other seafood.


“Because there’re a lot of mountains, we can’t plant, but we need to eat. We have a very rich sea in front of us, so where are we going to eat? From the sea.”


At a young age, he was a chef at a one-star Michelin restaurant, something that encouraged him to aspire for more as he grew older.


Among his many achievements, Canales owns a restaurant called Etxanobe – his mother’s family name. Opened in 1999, it wasn’t long before Etxanobe was awarded one Michelin star.


During his 16 years as a restaurant owner, Canales became determined to spread his love of the distinctive Basque cuisine. His cooking focuses a lot on fish and Basque flavors that he incorporates into simple and healthy dishes.


However, don’t let this simplicity fool you, Canales said.


“It’s because you have to make something that’s not sophisticated, but very difficult to arrive [at]. A lot of flavors, but you think you are eating one.”


One of the national dishes that Canales raves about is “txangurro,” a stew made from crab, served in its shell. Although it takes some time to prepare, Basque residents love it, he said.


“Gilda,” a finger food, is another local favorite.


The name goes back to the movie of the same name starring Rita Hayworth, Canales said, apparently because the actress was among the first to attend the San Sebastian Film Festival, held in a town in the Basque Country, where Gilda was being screened.


The presentation of the dish might differ, but it is always made of olives, anchovies and spicy pepper.


“All the bars in the Basque country offer Gilda. When you get there you will see a bar with a lot of food – one is always Gilda. If you have a bar [with food] and there’s no Gilda, you can close the bar,” he joked.


In addition to owning Etxanobe, Canales and his team buy up struggling restaurants.


“Our business is based on excellence ... looking for the best of the best,” he said.


“The Michelin star is nothing if behind the star there’s no product, no idea.”


If Canales feels hesitant about a certain dish, he prepares several other ones for comparison and then chooses the best to be served.


His business is about passion and the ability to merge random or seemingly plain items into an exquisite dish. And for Canales, there is one more crucial ingredient: A keen understanding of the idea that the customer always comes first.


He places great importance on this idea, and his motto, “Excellence in communicating with the people,” is deeply rooted within his perspective on being a chef and a business owner.


Although sometimes the pressure might be too much to handle, maintaining respect toward others is key. This strategy begins with Canales himself, his team and the harmony between them.


“I talk with my staff exactly the same way as I talk with my guests. Why? Because like that, without knowing, my team will be very polite,” he said.


“Our slogan is that the people in front of you at that moment are the most important people in the world.”



McCain Calls Protesters 'Low-Life Scum' At Senate Hearing



Protesters interrupt the start of a Senate Armed Services hearing on Capitol Hill Thursday, as former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger prepares to testify.i



Protesters interrupt the start of a Senate Armed Services hearing on Capitol Hill Thursday, as former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger prepares to testify. J. Scott Applewhite/AP hide caption



itoggle caption J. Scott Applewhite/AP

Protesters interrupt the start of a Senate Armed Services hearing on Capitol Hill Thursday, as former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger prepares to testify.



Protesters interrupt the start of a Senate Armed Services hearing on Capitol Hill Thursday, as former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger prepares to testify.


J. Scott Applewhite/AP


Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., labeled as "low-life scum" anti-war protesters who chanted, "Arrest Henry Kissinger for war crimes."


Kissinger, 91, and other former secretaries of state in both Republican and Democratic administrations were at the Senate Armed Services Committee, which McCain chairs, for a hearing on global security challenges.


A small group of protesters held banners calling Kissinger a "war criminal" and urged his arrest for U.S. actions when he served in the Nixon administration in Chile, Vietnam, East Timor, Cambodia and Laos.


McCain ordered Capitol police to remove the protesters.


"Get out of here, you low-life scum," he said.


You can watch what happened here.



Senate Prepares To OK Keystone XL Oil Pipeline Despite Obama Veto Threat



Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., joined by Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn of Texas, speaks with reporters on Capitol Hill in Washington on Tuesday.i



Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., joined by Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn of Texas, speaks with reporters on Capitol Hill in Washington on Tuesday. J. Scott Applewhite/AP hide caption



itoggle caption J. Scott Applewhite/AP

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., joined by Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn of Texas, speaks with reporters on Capitol Hill in Washington on Tuesday.



Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., joined by Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn of Texas, speaks with reporters on Capitol Hill in Washington on Tuesday.


J. Scott Applewhite/AP


The Senate could vote as early as today on a bipartisan measure to approve the Keystone XL oil pipeline despite a veto threat from President Obama.


"The past few weeks have been a whirlwind. But the Keystone jobs debate has been important for the Senate and for our country," Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., said before the vote. "The Keystone infrastructure project has been studied endlessly, from almost every possible angle, and the same general conclusion keeps becoming clear: Build it."


Sixty senators — Republicans and Democrats — support the measure, but it doesn't appear to have enough backing to override a presidential veto.


The GOP-controlled House voted earlier this month to approve a similar measure. That vote came the same day as Nebraska's Supreme Court paved the way for the 1,179-mile pipeline to go ahead.


The U.S. State Department, which has been reviewing the pipeline for more than six years, is now deciding whether the project to carry oil from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico is in the national interest. Congressional Republicans want to short-circuit that years-long process and grant the Keystone XL pipeline a permit immediately.


As we have previously reported, the "pipeline is a hot-button political issue, with politicians from both parties, some unions and energy companies supporting its approval while environmental groups, some Nebraska landowners and some liberal Democrats oppose it."


Supporters say it will create more than 40,000 jobs, but opponents are skeptical — with one estimate noting that it would create just 35 permanent jobs.


NPR's Jeff Brady previously reported that the pipeline is controversial primarily because it would transport crude from Canada's tar sands, which emit more pollution during production than traditional forms of oil. But a State Department environmental review last year concluded the pipeline wouldn't have a significant effect on greenhouse gas emissions.


The White House has vowed the veto any legislation that approves the $8 billion project, saying it is awaiting the State Department's review.


Our full coverage of the pipeline is here.