Sunday, 30 March 2014

EDL workers renew protest in Beirut


BEIRUT: Part-time power workers blocked the doors Monday to the Beirut headquarters of Electricite du Liban with burning tires to intensify pressure on officials to change their status to full-time.


The protesters prevented full-time employees from entering the premises and warned EDL that its headquarters would be closed down if their demands were ignored.


“If the employees’ demands are not met, we will close the [company’s] doors forever,” warned Lubnan Makhoul, speaking on behalf of the part-time workers.


The protesters, who have staged similar protests over the past few months, want Parliament to approve a draft law that would grant them full-time employment.


Monday’s demonstration was an apparent escalation at the delay in approving the workers’ demands.


Parliament has failed three times since July to convene to discuss more than 45 draft laws, including the issue of EDL part-time workers.


A government-brokered deal in August called on hourly electricity employees to end a three-month, open-ended sit-in at the EDL headquarters in the Beirut neighborhood of Mar Mikhael.



Mitsubishi Motors buys Ford Philippine auto plant


Japanese automaker Mitsubishi Motors Corp. said Monday it is buying Ford's shuttered plant in the Philippines to grow in market where car ownership is on the rise.


Mitsubishi Motors said it was acquiring the plant in Laguna, south of Manila, from Ford Motor Co. to boost production and sales. Ford closed that plant in 2012. The Tokyo-based automaker did not give a price.


Mitsubishi controls more than a fifth of the Philippine market, where Japanese rival Toyota Motor Corp. has top market share. Various automakers have their eyes on the nation because car ownership is expected to grow.


The Philippine economy grew 7.2 percent last year, the second fastest in Asia after China.


Mitsubishi produces the Adventure minivan, L300 truck and Lancer sedan in the Philippines at a smaller plant it runs near Manila. The models it will produce at the new plant weren't disclosed.



Low-cost Dominican surgeries spark warnings by US


Beverly Brignoni was a young New Yorker seeking a less expensive way to enhance her appearance and she did what many other people are now doing: travel to the Dominican Republic for cosmetic surgery.


It went horribly wrong. The 28-year-old died Feb. 20 from what the doctor told her family was a massive pulmonary embolism while getting a tummy tuck and liposuction at a clinic in the Dominican capital recommended by friends. Family members have serious questions about her death and want local authorities to investigate.


"We want to know exactly what happened," said Bernadette Lamboy, Brignoni's godmother. "We want to know if there was negligence."


The district attorney's office for Santo Domingo says it has not yet begun an investigation because it has not received a formal complaint from Brignoni's relatives. Family members say they plan to make one.


Shortly after Brignoni's death, the Health Ministry inspected the Vista del Jardin Medical Center where she was treated and ordered the operating room temporarily closed, citing the presence of bacteria and violations of bio-sanitary regulations. The doctor who performed the procedure and the clinic have not responded to requests for comment.


Brignoni's death is unusual, but it is not isolated. Concerns about the booming cosmetic surgery business in the Dominican Republic are enough of an issue that the State Department has posted a warning on its page for travel to that country, noting that in several cases U.S. citizens have suffered serious complications or died.


The U.S. Centers for Disease Control issued an alert March 7 after health authorities in the United States reported that at least 19 women in five states had developed serious mycobacterial wound infections over the previous 12 months following cosmetic procedures in the Dominican Republic such as liposuction, tummy tucks and breast implants.


There were no reported deaths in those cases, but treatment for these types of infections, which have been caused in the past by contaminated medical equipment, tend to involve long courses of antibiotics and can require new surgery to remove infected tissue and drain fluid, said Dr. Douglas Esposito, a CDC medical officer.


"Some of these patients end up going through one or more surgeries and various travels through the medical system," Esposito said. "They take a long time typically to get better."


The Dominican Republic, like countries such as Mexico, Costa Rica and Thailand, has promoted itself as a destination for medical tourism, so-called because people will often tack on a few days at a resort after undergoing surgery. The main allure is much lower costs along with the promise that conditions will be on par with what a patient would encounter at home.


In 2013, there were more than 1,000 cosmetic procedures performed in the Dominican Republic, 60 percent of them on foreigners, according to the country's Plastic Surgery Society.


The Internet is flooded with advertisements and testimonials from people who say they have had successful procedures in the Dominican Republic, and an industry of "recovery houses" has sprung up to serve clients, along with promoters who canvass for clients in the United States. The price is often about a third of the cost in the United States.


Dr. Braun Graham, a plastic surgeon in Sarasota, Florida, says he done corrective surgery on people for what he says were inferior procedures abroad. He warns that even if a foreign doctor is talented, nurses and support staff may lack adequate training.


"Clearly, the cost savings is certainly not worth the increased risk of a fatal complication," said Graham, past president for Florida Society of Plastic Surgeons.


Brignoni was referred to the Vista del Jardin Medical Center by several acquaintances in the New York borough of The Bronx where she lived, said Lamboy and Lenny Ulloa, the father of the 4-year-old daughter she left behind.


"Supposedly, it was a high-end clinic, one of the best in the city," Ulloa said.


The doctor who performed Brignoni's procedure, Guillermo Lorenzo, is certified by the Plastic Surgery Society, but there are at least 300 surgeons performing cosmetic procedures who are not, said Dr. Severo Mercedes, the organization's director. He said the government knows about the problem but has not taken any action. "We complain but we can't go after anyone because we're not law enforcement," Mercedes said.


The number of people pursuing treatment in the Dominican Republic doesn't seem to have been affected by negative reports, including a previous CDC warning about a cluster of 12 infections in 2003-04.


In one recent case, the Dominican government in February closed a widely advertised clinic known as "Efecto Brush," for operating without a license. Prosecutors opened a criminal case after at least six women accused the clinic of fraud and negligence. The director, Franklin Polanco, is free while awaiting trial. He denies wrongdoing.


There was also the case of Dr. Hector Cabral. New York prosecutors accused him of conducting examinations of women in health spas and beauty parlors in that state in 2006-09 without a license, then operating on them in the Dominican Republic, leaving some disfigured. Cabral pleaded guilty to one count of unauthorized practice of medicine in October 2011 and returned to the Dominican Republic, where he still practices.


In 2009, Dominican authorities charged Dr. Johan Tapia Bueno with illegally practicing plastic surgery at his apartment after several women, including a local television personality, accused him of malpractice that left them with infections. Awaiting trial, he has pleaded innocent to charges that include fraud.


Juan Linares, a lawyer hired by Brignoni's boyfriend, said he is still awaiting an autopsy report.


Because she arrived in the country late at night on a delayed flight and was on the operating table early the next morning, a main concern is whether she received an adequate medical evaluation before the procedure. Graham, the Florida surgeon, said sitting on a plane for several hours can cause blood to stagnate in the legs and increase the risk of an embolism.


Brignoni paid the Dominican clinic $6,300 for a combination of liposuction, tummy tuck and breast surgery. Lamboy said she had decided not to have the work done on her breasts and was expecting a partial refund. The woman, who worked as a property manager, had lost about 80 pounds about a year earlier after gastric bypass surgery.


Brignoni was clearly excited about the procedure. Her final post on Facebook was a photo she took of her hands holding her passport and boarding pass for the flight from New York to Santo Domingo.


"She wanted it so bad," her godmother said. "It felt like she was going to have a better outlook on life, getting this done."


---


Associated Press writer Ben Fox reported this story from Miami and Ezequiel Abiu Lopez reported in Santo Domingo.



CityHub Cyclery unique bike shop in Muskegon


CityHub Cyclery, a unique new bicycle shop, has opened in an historic downtown Muskegon building.


While the business is designed to appeal toward both men and women, the owners, Julia Miller and Jennifer Wever, are enthusiastic about introducing the idea of biking to women, while also selling gear that will appeal to experienced bikers of both genders.


"(Our) main focus is to make women feel comfortable and more involved (with biking)," Miller told The Muskegon Chronicle ( http://bit.ly/1eZk7Dp ). "(We) wanted to make (the hub) more about women because women are not as focused on" when it comes to biking.


The hub sells everything from cruiser bikes, road bikes, racing bikes and unique biking gear.


"(We're) trying to balance the items," Miller said.


One of the unique items the hub sells is a Yuba Mundo cargo bike that is built for carrying lots of items, including children, according to Miller.


The business offers a selection of Felt, Yuba, Kona and Detroit Bikes. It will also stock a selection of urban gear and clothing from Shredly, Après Vélo, Twin Six, NutCase and Zoic.


In addition, rentals and bike maintenance are additional offerings at CityHub Cyclery, which is located relatively close to the Shoreline Trail for recreational use.


Miller and Wever said they are very excited about the cargo and cruiser bikes because the bikes provide a prime example of how biking does not have to be about exercise, but rather an activity that can be very fun and rewarding.


"(We're) hoping to get the bike community (in Muskegon) bigger," Wever said.


Miller and Wever's goal is to develop groups of people who go out and bike, come back to downtown Muskegon and hang out at a place like Unruly Brewery, Miller said.


"(We) call ourselves a hub so people feel comfortable to hang out," Miller said. "(We) always have complimentary coffee and Wifi."


"The Lakeshore has so much to offer and Muskegon has so much to offer," Miller said.


Miller, who is trained in bicycle repair, brings more than 25 years of experience as a competitive racer, triathlete, trainer and organizer of riding groups. Wever, a leisure cyclist, is an engineer with a business background.


---


Information from: The Muskegon Chronicle, http://bit.ly/1cBdupZ


This is an AP Member Exchange shared by The Muskegon Chronicle.



The #ACASurge Continues: Here's Where I Was Today

I saw it firsthand today: The surge of folks across the country getting covered ahead of the March 31 deadline is continuing.


Today, I stopped by a D.C. Health Link faith-based enrollment event -- put on by a community that's played a key role in efforts to educate and enroll District residents, small businesses, and their employees.


It was really inspiring to see -- and it was just one of hundreds of events happening around the country this weekend.


Take a look at a couple photos from that event -- and a few more from events happening this weekend. If you're getting covered yourself, share a photo of your own.


And, of course, if you still need coverage, visit HealthCare.gov right now and get yourself signed up.


Washington, D.C.:




read more


Dialogue precarious after Hezbollah boycott


BEIRUT: A boycott by Hezbollah and three other March 8 parties of a new round of National Dialogue, scheduled for Monday, in protest at what they perceived as President Michel Sleiman’s biased stances threw the fate of intra-Lebanese talks into disarray.


Furthermore, the Lebanese Forces, which had boycotted previous Dialogue sessions, dismissing them as “a waste of time,” said it would not attend Monday’s talks.


The boycott on both sides of the political fence cast a pall of gloom over the results of inter-Lebanese Dialogue seen badly needed to defuse mounting political and sectarian tensions stoked by the repercussions of the 3-year-old war in Syria and the dispute over Hezbollah’s arsenal.


Following the formation of a new Cabinet on Feb. 15, Sleiman invited rival March 8 and March 14 leaders for a new session of National Dialogue to resume talks on the divisive issue of Hezbollah’s weapons as part of a national defense strategy.


Despite the boycott by Hezbollah and other March 8 parties and the LF, a source at Baabda Palace said the Dialogue session was still planned as scheduled.


“A final decision on whether to convene or postpone the session will be made Monday morning,” the source told The Daily Star.


MP Mohammad Raad, head of Hezbollah’s bloc in Parliament, who had represented the party in previous Dialogue meetings, informed Baabda Palace officials Sunday of the party’s decision not to attend Monday’s session, Al-Manar TV reported.


The Hezbollah-affiliated Al-Manar TV said the reason for the party’s boycott of the Dialogue session was what it termed Sleiman’s “offensive and harmful speech” against the resistance.


Sleiman’s relations with Hezbollah have been strained over the president’s repeated criticisms of the party’s military involvement in the war in Syria.


Hezbollah has also rejected Sleiman’s proposal for a national defense strategy that would allow the party to keep its arms, but place them under the command of the Lebanese Army, which would have exclusive authority to use force.


LF leader Samir Geagea confirmed his party’s boycott of the Dialogue session, saying Hezbollah was not serious about talks over its arsenal.


“ Hezbollah is not serious about Dialogue ... There is no need to think about participation in Dialogue as long as Hezbollah will not participate in it,” Geagea said in an interview with Al-Jadeed TV Sunday night.


“ Hezbollah is not ready for Dialogue [over its arms]. We must search for other ways to run the country’s affairs,” he said. “At present, Dialogue will not lead to any results.”


Geagea also said he would run in the presidency race. “The main reason for my nomination [to the presidency] is that I am seeing the ship is sinking and it needs a different action,” he said.


Despite the Hezbollah and LF boycott, Progressive Socialist Party leader MP Walid Jumblatt said he and Speaker Nabih Berri would attend the Dialogue session.


“We agreed as usual to attend tomorrow’s Dialogue session in order to continue the discussions we have started, but without confining the discussions to a specific subject,” Jumblatt said after meeting Berri at the latter’s residence in Ain al-Tineh.


“Matters are open, especially since terrorism as we see is striking in every direction,” he said, referring to Saturday’s suicide car bombing that targeted a military post on the outskirts of the northeastern town of Arsal, killing three soldiers and wounding four others.


In reply to a question, Jumblatt, who was accompanied by Health Minister Wael Abu Faour, said he and Berri did not discuss the presidential election.


Prime Minister Tammam Salam, who is not a member of the National Dialogue Committee, said he would attend Monday’s session. “Dialogue is essential and is very useful in this period,” Salam was quoted as saying by visitors.


Three pro-Syria regime parties said they would boycott the session. Marada leader MP Sleiman Franjieh, who has been criticizing Sleiman, said he would not attend.


Lebanese Democratic Party leader MP Talal Arslan also announced that his party would boycott the Dialogue session.


A statement issued after the party’s meeting said Sleiman’s invitation for Dialogue to discuss a defense strategy did not conform with the priorities of the current situation in Lebanon. “Priority should be given to fighting terrorism that is striking most Lebanese areas,” it said.


MP Asaad Hardan, head of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party, who had represented the party in previous Dialogue sessions, said he would not attend Monday’s talks. He urged Sleiman to postpone the session and hold consultations to agree on a formula that can ensure the participation of all members of the Dialogue committee.


“Priority should be given to the issue of terrorism because its danger is threatening Lebanon and all the Lebanese,” Hardan said in a statement.


Despite the boycott, Sleiman said National Dialogue must go on, expressing regret that some parties have decided not to attend.


“We must complete the discussion of a defense strategy that can protect the country from the Israeli dangers and the threat of rampant arms and terrorism,” Sleiman said in a speech during the launch of the First Alphabet Poetry Festival in Jbeil.


“We raise this subject on the eve of the National Dialogue that we called for in Baabda Palace to continue discussion of the defense strategy with the aim of benefiting from the national and resistance capabilities, bolstering the Lebanese Army’s capability and restoring the Army’s exclusive authority over arms. This will enhance [the military’s] capacity in uprooting terrorism,” Sleiman said. “No red lines can be put for the Army.”


His remarks came a day after Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah hinted at his party’s boycott of National Dialogue by calling for an early presidential election “so that we can launch a new phase in Lebanon.”


“We call for an early presidential election if that is an option so that we can launch a new phase in Lebanon and then we can join [National] Dialogue [sessions] and discuss a national defense strategy and mutual cooperation,” Nasrallah said in a televised speech.


Sleiman has repeatedly criticized Hezbollah over its military role in Syria. In a February speech, he said political parties should not cling to “wooden equations,” referring to Hezbollah’s formula of “The Army, the people and the Resistance.” Hezbollah hit back at Sleiman, saying the president needed “specialized care” because he could no longer differentiate between gold and wood.



Army vows it won’t be cowed by terrorism after deadly suicide attack


ARSAL, Lebanon: The Lebanese Army pledged to carry on the fight against terrorism after a deadly suicide attack over the weekend in northeastern Lebanon claimed the lives of three soldiers and wounded eight others.


A radical group calling itself Liwaa Ahrar al-Sunna-Baalbek published a photograph purported to be of the suicide bomber who attacked the “crusader Army” on its Twitter account, revealing his name as Abdul-Qader al-Taan.


A black Kia loaded with 100 kg of TNT exploded Saturday as it drove past a recently erected military checkpoint on the outskirts of Arsal.


A Syrian refugee and her child were shot dead outside the town shortly after the explosion when their driver panicked near the checkpoint, in a tragic epilogue to the attack.


Army Intelligence cordoned off the area of the explosion as ambulances struggled to reach the site due to the rugged terrain.


According to an Army statement, the suicide car bombing occurred at 7 p.m. in the Wadi Ata area.


“The Army leadership knows that today, more than any other time, it will be subjected to terrorism intended to prevent the Army from spreading the authority of the state and ending strife,” the statement said. “But it reaffirms as well that it will continue to fight and pursue the terrorists.”


The deadly attack came hours after Syrian regime forces, backed by Hezbollah, reportedly captured Flita and Ras al-Maara, two more villages in the Qalamoun region that borders northeast Lebanon. Two hundred refugee families fleeing the towns arrived in Arsal Saturday.


The Army had boosted measures along the porous border in the wake of the fall of the rebel-held town of Yabroud, in a bid to prevent infiltration by rebels fleeing the Qalamoun region. The measures were also part of a nationwide security plan to curb the rising number of terrorist attacks in the country.


The boosted security measures also came two days after the death of Samir al-Atrash, an alleged “terrorist” that the Army said was complicit in car bomb plots in Lebanon. Atrash was wounded in a shootout with soldiers in Arsal.


Radical Islamist groups have claimed responsibility for the spate of car bombings in the country.


The groups, which have cited Hezbollah’s role in Syria as a motive, have vowed to continue such attacks and not to spare the Army, accusing the military of cooperating with Hezbollah.


Suicide bombers have targeted Army checkpoints in Sidon and Hermel in the past.


Security sources told Al-Jadeed that the attack was intended as a diversion to allow two BMW X5 cars into Arsal amid the confusion following the bombing.


The TV station said it was unclear whether the car was carrying explosives or gunmen from towns near Yabroud.


The Syrian refugee and her child were killed at the Army checkpoint near Arsal Saturday night after the driver of the pickup truck they were riding in ignored the soldiers’ orders for him to stop, security sources told The Daily Star.


Soldiers opened fire on the vehicle, killing the woman and child and wounding the driver in the leg, before he was transferred to a local hospital.


The driver told doctors that they were fleeing Flita, and he panicked when soldiers flashed their lights at him, turning off his headlights and reversing the car, before the Army opened fire.


The woman was shot in the head and attempts to revive her failed. Her son also died after being shot in the ear and abdomen. Another child was severely wounded in his left leg.“There was a sadness in the hospital when they brought the boys,” one doctor said.


Condemnations poured in after the attack.


“A new crime has been added to the takfiri terrorists’ growing record,” Hezbollah said in a statement. “ Hezbollah denounces this crime, which targeted the Army, and considers such crimes an attack on all Lebanese and the nation as a whole.”


Prime Minister Tammam Salam stressed that “such acts will not affect the firm political decision to fight terrorism and all security violations.”


The Future Movement said the Army was paying the price of Lebanon’s involvement in the war in Syria, and called for unity and renewed support for the military.


“Arsal and its people will remain in solidarity with the Army,” residents said in a statement after a meeting of local officials. “We pledge to remain loyal to the nation and the military institution and to stand with the Lebanese Army and security services in one trench to fight terrorism and terrorists no matter their affiliation.”


The Army meanwhile defused Sunday a gas canister filled with explosives in the northern city of Tripoli, security sources told The Daily Star.


The canister, estimated to be rigged with around 15 kilograms of explosives, was found near an Army post in Tripoli’s Mitain Street, the sources said.


A military expert was able to defuse the canister after soldiers cordoned off the area.


The incident coincides with the implementation of a security plan aimed at restoring order in the city plagued by recurring clashes linked to the Syrian crisis. The plan calls for the Lebanese Army and security forces to prevent the use of arms, seize stockpiled weapons in the city and arrest individuals wanted in relation to kidnappings, car thefts and forgeries in the northern Bekaa Valley area.


The Army said it was continuing the search for those responsible.


Officials pledged to continue implementing the Tripoli security plan despite attacks against the Army.


Justice Minister Ashraf Rifi told the National News Agency the new security plan was an opportunity to get Tripoli out of the “cycle” of violence.


Defense Minister Samir Moqbel and Interior Minister Nouhad Machnouk both said the Army would not be deterred from its efforts to secure Tripoli and the Bekaa Valley.


Maj. Gen. Ibrahim Basbous, the chief of the ISF, held a meeting in Tripoli with security officials to discuss the details of the plan. – With additional reporting by Elise Knutsen



Citing costs, Tripoli leaders reject development plan


BEIRUT: Tripoli leaders have rejected a development plan devised by General Security that aims to end the endemic violence in the city and revive its economy, arguing the cost was too high. The security apparatus designed the plan after studying in detail the security and development situation of the northern city. It was presented over a year ago to high-ranking officials and an important former Tripoli official in particular. The report details a development plan aimed at addressing the root causes of violence in north Lebanon, particularly in Tripoli.


According to the plan, establishing a fruit canning factory in Bab al-Tabbaneh would assuage the strain on farmers in the north, namely from Akkar and Dinnieh, who are no longer able to export their products due to closures of border crossings with Syria and who have suffered tremendous economic losses as a result.


The factory would also provide job opportunities for Bab al-Tabbaneh youths, veering them away from participation in armed clashes.


The plan was given to a senior Tripoli official who, after studying it, said the projected costs, estimated to be $8 million, were too high for the municipality.


In a bid to curb the cycle of violence, the government decided in December to put Tripoli under the command of the Army for a period of six months, but the plan has been undermined by new rounds of fighting this year.


Fighters in Jabal Mohsen, a predominately Alawite neighborhood, have engaged in repeated clashes with rival gunmen in the mostly Sunni Bab al-Tabbaneh area since the Syrian uprising began.


Recent attacks against the Army and police forces in Tripoli coincided with a Cabinet decision to seize stockpiled arms and crack down on gunmen in the Bekaa Valley and Tripoli as part of a plan initiated last Thursday to end the violence.


Tripoli MPs Samir Jisr and Mohammad Kabbara have called for an investment of $100 million for the city’s development.


According to security sources, the cost of each night of clashes, from the perspective of the weapons used, varies from $300,000, if light weapons are used, to $500,000 for heavy arms, high for Tripoli’s dwindling economy. The numbers don’t reflect the cost of weapons still being delivered to the northern city.


Politicians and other officials who are supplying Tripoli gunmen with arms are being encouraged to stop and provide opportunities for employment, instead of issuing decisions and asking the security forces for their implementation.


Secret meetings between military and security officers have focused on the dynamics on the ground in Tripoli and the defects of the security plan. The meetings have also touched on the background of some of Tripoli’s gunmen who have been terrorizing the city for a long time, whether from Bab al-Tabbaneh or Jabal Mohsen.


Moreover, a number of high-ranking security officials in Tripoli believe that the deluge of foreign fighters into the city, such as members of the Nusra Front, will not help the security situation.


These fighters are considered military, and that makes them different from the typical gunmen of Jabal Mohsen or Bab al-Tabbaneh. Recent attacks targeting Army patrols in the city stoke fears that security will deteriorate further in the troubled northern city.



ADP denies Rifaat and Ali Eid fled to Syria


BEIRUT: Arab Democratic Party sources dismissed rumors Sunday that party leader Ali Eid and his son, politburo chief Rifaat Eid, had fled the country to avoid legal charges, affirming that both were still in Lebanon. News reports emerged over the weekend that both ADP figures had left Lebanon, with the daily An-Nahar claiming that the two had crossed illegal border crossings to escape to Syria, and other news websites maintaining that Rifaat alone was in the Syrian port city of Tartous. MTV quoted a security source confirming that Ali had left Lebanon for Syria, with his son trailing closely behind.


The reports were dismissed by Ali’s son, who runs a clinic in Jabal Mohsen, where the pro-Assad ADP is based. “My father is in his village, Hikr al-Daheri, where he’s been residing for six years,” Noureddine Eid told The Daily Star. The village is located on the Lebanese side of the border with Syria. “Rifaat is still in Lebanon, too.”


When asked if the politburo chief was still in Jabal Mohsen, Eid said, “Let’s just say he’s still in Lebanon.”


The rumors were also dispelled by Ali Fedda, a senior ADP official.


“These reports are just rumors, and news that Ali and Rifaat Eid have fled the country are not true,” he said.


When asked to respond to the reports over the weekend, Justice Minister Ashraf Rifi told LBCI, “I have no information about this issue,” adding: “But all those who incite the tense scene [in Tripoli] should leave so its civilians can live together in peace.”


The Daily Star could not reach Rifaat Eid despite numerous attempts to contact the official. Both Fedda and Eid’s assistant cited a busy meeting schedule to explain his inaccessibility.


“We will not hold a news conference [to respond to the rumors],” Fedda said. “It’s not worth it.”


“This is not the first rumor of its kind,” he added.


This is the second time this month that the ADP chief has been accused of fleeing the country. Earlier in March Rifaat publicly denied that his father had fled to Syria after an arrest warrant was issued for him on Feb. 25 for failing to appear in court.


Rumors of Ali Eid’s escape arose for a second time after Military Prosecutor Saqr Saqr issued a legal opinion demanding his indictment earlier this week, as he stands accused of helping a suspect linked to last summer’s twin car bombings in Tripoli flee Lebanon. Saqr’s conclusions could pave the way for a military trial.


The reports also emerged after a Cabinet-sanctioned security plan was devised for the city. The plan is expected to go into effect this week.


Eid has failed to show up for questioning by the military tribunal over the case on two occasions.


The prospect of Eid’s arrest has inflamed passions in Tripoli, the scene of repeated clashes between the majority Alawite Jabal Mohsen and the Sunni Bab al-Tabbaneh. Figures in Bab al-Tabbaneh believe calm can only be restored once the perpetrators of the twin bombings outside the Al-Salam and Al-Taqwa mosques last August are caught and have accused the ADP of orchestrating the attack.


Rifaat Eid has reiterated on numerous occasions that the party conforms to Lebanese laws, but objects to the arrest warrant for the party leader. – With additional reporting by Dahlia Nehme



Western countries will not interfere in presidential election


As Lebanon entered the two-month constitutional period in which it must elect a new president, Beirut-based Western ambassadors said their countries would not interfere in the upcoming presidential election, preferring to leave details of the issue to Lebanese players, political sources said.


The reason for the reluctance to interfere is that major Western powers are preoccupied with protecting their interests in the region, and the presidential election is not expected to affect these, the sources said.


In the eyes of Western countries, priority is still given to the 3-year-old conflict in Syria, where military victories have recently been declared by both the regime and opposition, as well as the West’s negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program and the failure to make progress in the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, they added.


Therefore, the Lebanese must act to set their internal house in order without any foreign guardian, or alternatively wait for a “secret word” from someone to elect a new president, a political source said.


With less than two months left for Parliament to elect a new president to succeed President Michel Sleiman, whose six-year-term in office expires on May 25, political escalation is going side-by-side with a deteriorating security situation, in accordance with the rules of the known political game in Lebanon, the source said.


Important developments are expected this week, starting with a new round of National Dialogue talks among the rival political leaders, which Sleiman called for at Baabda Palace Monday morning.


The Cabinet is also scheduled to meet at Baabda Palace in the afternoon on the same day, in its second session since it won a vote of confidence in Parliament on March 20.


The Dialogue session comes amid a boycott by some parties and Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah’s hint that his group might also not attend.


Nasrallah, whose party’s ties with Sleiman have been strained over the conflict in Syria, called in a televised speech Saturday for the presidential election to be held early “so that we can launch a new phase in Lebanon, and then we can join [National] Dialogue [sessions] and discuss a national defense strategy and mutual cooperation.”


Political sources said Nasrallah’s speech was bound to preclude the possible restoration of communications between Hezbollah and some March 14 political parties.


Following Nasrallah’s speech, lines of contact between the country’s top leaders, especially between Speaker Nabih Berri and Prime Minister Tammam Salam, were opened in order to facilitate consultation on the fate of Monday’s Dialogue session and to ensure that the session was held on time.


Sources at Baabda Palace said Sleiman stood firm on his call for Dialogue, something which he has upheld since he took office in May 2008 out of a strong conviction that communication and consultation among rival leaders would energize a set of common principles, similar to the case of the Baabda Declaration.


The declaration, which called on rival parties to distance Lebanon from regional and international conflicts, particularly the war in Syria, was endorsed by the rival March 8 and March 14 leaders during a National Dialogue session chaired by Sleiman at Baabda Palace in June 2012.


In addition to the Dialogue and Cabinet sessions, Parliament is also scheduled to hold three legislative meetings this week, in which it will study some 70 items listed on the agenda, including draft laws concerning rent, protecting women from domestic violence and new traffic legislation.


This comes as both popular and official attention will be focused on the government’s security plan to end violence in the northern city of Tripoli.


Military and security forces have begun deploying in some areas in the city, waiting to put the security plan into effect in the hope that it will end 20 rounds of fighting between factions in rival neighborhoods.


A ministerial source said that the promised international aid to support the Lebanese Army through Saudi Arabia’s $3 billion grant and other military donations would constitute the keystone for the smooth implementation of the Tripoli security plan, which was approved by the Cabinet last week.


The quality of the arms supplied by France would bolster the Lebanese Army’s capabilities in facing the wave of violence and terrorism that is increasingly threatening the country, the source said. He added that Lebanon had urged the concerned countries to hasten the delivery of military aid, which the Army and security forces need to confront security threats.



Sectarian tensions on rise in Bekaa Valley


KAMED AL-LOZ, Lebanon: Sunni residents of the Bekaa Valley are growing increasingly frustrated by the influence of Hezbollah and the party’s continued involvement in Syria. Though tensions between the area’s largely pro-opposition Sunni towns and the party – which backs the regime – have been simmering since the 2005 assassination of Rafik Hariri, the war in Syria and more recently the siege of Arsal have exacerbated friction, residents and experts told The Daily Star.


“Anger is brewing,” said Sheikh Yehia al-Braidy of Talabayya, a mixed Sunni-Shiite town in the central Bekaa Valley. He points to a growing feeling among Sunnis, particularly in the predominantly Shiite Bekaa Valley, that their co-religionists in Lebanon and Syria are the victims of a double standard.


“People fighting in Syria with the regime are identified as resistant, but Sunnis [supporting the opposition] are identified as murderers and terrorists,” he told The Daily Star.


This often-echoed sense of injustice is not without cause, according to Hilal Khashan, a professor of political studies at the American University of Beirut.


“I think their [the Bekaa Sunnis’] concerns attest to an established reality on the ground,” he told The Daily Star. “The concerns and apprehensions are well-founded.”


Many in the Sunni community feel that the Syrian regime used its enormous influence to shape the Lebanese Army as it was being rebuilt after the Lebanese Civil War, ensuring that the top command posts were occupied by its allies, Khashan said. “Many Sunnis view the Lebanese Army as biased,” he added.


In Kamed al-Loz, a predominantly Sunni town in the west Bekaa region, locals complained that a handful of residents had recently been detained for shooting in the air after a wedding, while gunfire from Hezbollah supporters echoed with impunity in Beirut after Yabroud, a Syrian opposition stronghold, fell to regime forces earlier in March.


“The people [Sunnis] are no longer accepting this,” Sheikh Braidy said.


No Hezbollah supporters have been arrested for providing military or material support to the Syrian regime, according to Mario Abou Zeid of the Carnegie Middle East Center, while several Lebanese citizens have been detained for smuggling arms and other goods across the border to Syrian rebel strongholds.


“The resentment of Hezbollah has been increasing every day,” Abou Zeid told The Daily Star. “They [Hezbollah] have been controlling the whole [Bekaa Valley] region. They’re putting pressure on the Sunni communities and trying to track everyone.”


The tension between Hezbollah and opposition supporters, a fissure that falls largely along sectarian lines, has increased since the fall of Yabroud, resulting in the subsequent “siege” of the predominantly Sunni border town Arsal, which is hosting more than 50,000 refugees.


Unidentified residents from nearby Labweh, a predominantly Shiite town, blocked the only road leading to Arsal after a suicide bomber blew up his car in neighboring Nabi Othman, a mixed Christian-Shiite village. The blast killed four people, and came in the wake of a number of rocket attacks on Labweh claimed by radical Sunni groups in Syria.


The car bomb was seen by the local Shiite population as evidence to support their long-held belief that Arsal is hosting terrorists and is a key smuggling route for explosive-rigged cars that are being detonated in areas where Hezbollah enjoys support. Hezbollah and some Lebanese authorities have made similar accusations against the town, which openly supports the Syrian opposition.


The blockade lasted two to three days and prevented the transport of all food and other supplies to Arsal. In response, residents of several Sunni towns across the country burned tires in the streets, blocking major thoroughfares in protest.


Some believe the actions taken against Arsal portend future operations against Sunni towns sympathetic to the Syrian opposition.


“We’re taking Arsal as a warning for what might happen in the future,” said Ali, a Kamed al-Loz resident. “This is just the beginning.”


Khashan, however, felt that Arsal’s strategic position as a border town was unique, and doubted the prospect of future blockades by Hezbollah supporters.


“I can’t see it,” he said. “Arsal provided a linkage to the rebels in Qalamoun. ... I cannot think of another Sunni town in Lebanon that serves the same function.”


A Hezbollah checkpoint on the road to Arsal, erected in recent months, has also been a point of contention. Positioned just a few kilometers from an Army checkpoint in Labweh, a group of men in uniforms bearing the Hezbollah logo on their sleeves wave cars to the side of the road, guns in hand. They brusquely search vehicles, sometimes demanding that drivers and passengers leave their vehicles and explain their business in Arsal, residents say.


“Those they [Hezbollah] don’t like that they see from afar, they stop them and they search them, publicly. Of course, it is an act of provocation,” said one resident of a predominantly Sunni town in the central Bekaa Valley who asked not to be identified because he had been bringing subsistence supplies to Arsal.


Future MP Issem Araji, who represents the central Bekaa Valley town of Zahle, told The Daily Star that while Hezbollah had been repeatedly asked to dismantle the checkpoint, he “doubted” that the party would comply.


Underlining the March 14 bloc’s commitment to dialogue and national unity, he said the checkpoint threatened security in the region, predicting “a reaction from the Sunnis.”


For Araji and the rest of his political alliance, it is Hezbollah’s continued presence in the Syrian conflict that risks pushing Sunnis toward radicalism.


“This is why we [March 14] are calling on Hezbollah not to intervene in Syria, because we know that this intervention will increase the people who are supporting the extremists in the Sunni community,” he said.


Khaled al-Hajj, a resident of Kamed al-Loz, agreed. “People are exploding themselves because they have seen a lot of injustice and crimes against them and their families,” he said. “They retaliate by blowing themselves up in regions where Hezbollah enjoys wide support.”



Palestinians keep heritage alive with Land Day wedding


BURJ AL-SHEMALI, Lebanon: At a heritage wedding to mark Land Day, Abu Khaldoun, an elderly Palestinian, recalls the last wedding he attended in Haifa before Palestine was seized and later declared the state of Israel. “The women were ululating and we were playing with fireworks,” he said. “I can see Palestine again in this heritage wedding, and I’ve always dreamed of attending a wedding again in the land of my ancestors.”


Land Day commemorates the events of March 30, 1976, when six Palestinians were killed and hundreds more wounded and jailed after clashing with Israeli police during a protest over the Israeli government’s plan to expropriate 60,000 dunums of Arab-owned land in the Galilee.


A heritage wedding was held in the refugee camp of Burj al-Shemali in Tyre to honor the day, with Abu Khaldoun among many attending.


The groom, Ali al-Ahmad, was dressed in traditional Palestinian garb, while his bride Raghida Hammoud al-Mohammad, surrounded by her family and friends, arrived with her hands and feet painted with henna, a wedding tradition that dates back to the time of her grandmother before the Nakba in 1948.


“The day will come when I will paint henna on my daughter’s hands for her wedding day in Palestine,” Mohammad said. “I hope our families in Palestine, which is about 10 km away from the camp, can hear the sounds of this celebration. I hope the air carries our sounds to them.”


Later, the groom, holding a sword, performed a traditional dance in front of his bride, to demonstrate his manliness and his ability to protect her.


“The pictures of the wedding have already been to sent to our relatives in Gaza through the Internet,” Ahmad said.


The traditional Palestinian wedding was organized by the Human Dialogue Forum.


The typical DJs were absent from this wedding, replaced instead by a band dressed in Palestinian garb performing traditional songs and spoken word pieces.


“We wanted this traditional wedding to reach out to the traditional Palestinian land for Land Day. We wanted it to be the wedding of the land and to provide an incentive to the new generation to hold on to Palestine and to their Palestinian culture and heritage,” wedding coordinator Farid Jamal told The Daily Star.



Bangladeshi migrant community bond over wickets


JOUNIEH, Lebanon: Every Sunday morning at 6 a.m., Souheil Hussein drags himself out of bed and endures a nearly three-hour bus ride east to Jounieh. Sunday is Hussein’s day off, but there’s no rest for the wicket.“In Bangladesh, cricket is our favorite game,” he says, standing on the pitch’s sideline surrounded by his cheering teammates. “Back home, people will leave work to come and watch a match.”


Hussein plays in a 4-year-old cricket league made up of members of Lebanon’s Bangladeshi community. The league, founded by Bangladesh nationals Mohammad al-Amin and Mohammad Mango (pronounced Manjo) Hassan, runs every Sunday and draws players and fans from areas as far away as Beirut, Nahr Ibrahim, Zahle and Baalbek. The league has expanded exponentially from eight teams in 2013 to 23 this year.


The aim of cricket is to get the most runs, which are achieved by the batsmen, and prevent the other team from scoring by catching or bowling them out. The game’s origins are not clearly defined, but some believe it dates as far back as 13th-century northern Europe. Bangladesh’s history of cricket is older than the state itself, with records of English expatriates playing there in the 18th century. Bangladesh gained independence in 1971 and was granted test status in 2000, elevating it to the ranks of elite cricket alongside countries such as Australia, South Africa and the United Kingdom.


Usually, cricket balls are made of cork and bound with leather. But here, due to the fact that the teams play on a football field, players use tennis balls wrapped with white electrical tape in order to give it a bit more bounce. “Cricket fields [normally] have concrete underneath them but since there is none here we use tennis balls,” says one observer, as he winds tape tightly around a fuzzy, neon ball.


Since Sunday is often the sole day of the week Hussein and many of his compatriots get off work, even those that don’t play come to the field to see friends, speak their native language, and eat freshly made Bangladeshi food.


“We work all week and since Sunday is our only day off we come here,” says Mubarak Hussein, 30, who works in an Ashrafieh supermarket. “There is no other place for Bangladeshi people to hang out.”


The Bangladeshi community in Lebanon numbers at around 60,000 and many of them work either in manual labor or as domestic workers.


Hussein’s love for cricket started at the age of 14 when he and his brother would play together. The 25-year-old has now been in Lebanon for the last five years, and says he is excited to play in his first organized match here. “I used to play the same way in Bangladesh and I want to continue playing.”


About 50 people, a mix of players and fans, loiter around this dirt park where patches of wild clovers grow in clusters on the field’s less-used periphery.


“There are usually more people here but the weather is not so good today,” Yaacoub Ali says, addressing the clouds hanging overhead and the chilly breeze. At the league’s opening weekend last Sunday, Ali says the matches drew an impressive crowd that included Bangladeshi U.N. workers and Bangladesh’s ambassador to Lebanon.


The group has picked this ground in Kaslik, just off the Jounieh highway, as their home turf because parks in Beirut are much more expensive than the LL100,000 they pay to play here. The cricket kicks off at around 10 a.m. and runs into late afternoon. Eight teams play each Sunday, paying LL30,000 to participate. At the end of the season, the winning team wins a trophy and LL1,200,000 while the runner-up gets LL600,000, adding a bit more competition to an already intense atmosphere.


The cricket craze seems to be gathering steam in Lebanon, with several big events planned for this year. A daylong tournament will see local residents from England, Australia, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan and India battle it out in Monnot on April 27, while a competition pitting elite teams from the four Asian nations against each other is planned for some time in the fall.


The presence of cricket teams spearheaded by migrant communities in Lebanon, however, is much older. One Sri Lankan team, the Nomads, has been playing in the country for 20 years.


Ali has worked in Lebanon for the past four years and joined the league last year as managing director. “I came to Lebanon only because I needed money and it was easier to get the visa for here than other countries,” he says, jotting down match notes as he speaks.


He describes his work selling refrigerators and air conditioners at an Ashrafieh-based store as hard but rewarding, especially since he’s recently gotten a pay raise. “I like Lebanon, but there is now a problem with terrorists causing explosions,” he says.


Reminiscing about the atmosphere at matches back home, he says he is content in Lebanon but still hopes to return home one day. “All people love their motherland,” he says, “and Bangladeshis love cricket.”



Army defuses improvised bomb in Tripoli


TRIPOLI, Lebanon: The Lebanese Army defused Sunday a gas canister filled with explosives in the northern city of Tripoli, security sources told The Daily Star.


The canister, estimated to be rigged with around 15 kilograms of explosives, was found near an Army post in Tripoli’s Mitain Street, the sources said.


The canister looked suspicious because it had a timer attached to its top, they added.


A military expert was able to defuse the canister after soldieres cordoned off the area.


The incident coincides with the implimentation of a security plan aimed at restoring security in the city plagued by recurring clashes linked to the Syrian crisis.



Drug smuggling foiled at Beirut airport


BEIRUT: Authorities at Beirut airport foiled an attempt to smuggle 5.72 kilograms of Captagon tablets to an Arab country, a police statement said Sunday.


The statement said the operation took place on Saturday.


It said narcotic pills, packed in plastic bags, were found hidden in the bottom of the suitcase of a 28-year-old Syrian man, identified only by his initials, S.A.


The statement said the man had planned to smuggle the drugs to an Arab country, but did not specify.


The Syrian suspect was referred to the Central Anti-Drug office in Beirut for further investigation, the statement added.



After Motorola parlays Katrina’s devastation into telecom riches, new Mississippi system lies fallow


Mississippi’s governor fought back hard from one of Hurricane Katrina’s more exasperating blows – a knockout punch to emergency radio systems that forced rescue workers along parts of the Gulf Coast to communicate with hand-carried notes.


Seizing on the walkie-talkie failures, Gov. Haley Barbour set one of the nation’s poorest states on course to leapfrog past the other 49 into the forefront of emergency communications technology.


Within months of Katrina’s 2005 devastation, Barbour enlisted Mississippi’s two powerful senators, fellow Republicans Thad Cochran and Trent Lott, to divert $100 million in federal disaster aid toward a new statewide digital radio system.


Later, with construction underway, Barbour announced plans to vault Mississippi into the vanguard by building a second, $70 million, next-generation network that could flash data and videos via broadband to cops, firefighters and medics.


Motorola, the company that for decades has reigned over America’s public safety radio market, was poised to capitalize on another flow of taxpayer money.


The company, whose emergency communications arm was spun off as Motorola Solutions Inc. in 2011, left little to chance.


Motorola captured both of Mississippi’s mega contracts, which promised to generate more than $300 million in sales, with initial bid prices so low that competitors were dumbfounded.


The firm’s low-ball bids offer a case study in how some of the company’s myriad marketing tactics have warded off competition and helped preserve its estimated 80 percent hold on the nation’s emergency telecommunication business.


The industry behemoth has seemed to have a strategy for every scenario in landing most contracts in the multibillion-dollar-a-year business that grew after the communications foul-ups of Sept. 11, 2001, and from the onslaught of Katrina. In some cases, Motorola has charged that its company secrets were leaked to rivals. It has threatened lawsuits. It has gone to court to jealously guard its pricing schedule.


In Mississippi, Motorola locked up the radio project with a bid price of $221 million, $90 million below that of rival M/A-Com Inc. Although Motorola had the least experience of three bidders for the broadband network, its price of $56 million over the system’s 10-year life was $33 million lower than that of runner-up Alcatel-Lucent.


Despite the appeal of savings in Motorola’s bids, one of the new networks has been scrapped and Mississippi lacks the funds to operate the other.


The broadband project, which gave Motorola bragging rights for building the nation’s first statewide high-speed data network for first responders, was nearly constructed when the board of a new U.S. Commerce Department unit voted in December to kill its funding. Mississippi state officials and the new agency, known as FirstNet, had reached an impasse in negotiations over a required lease of space on the federal wireless spectrum, which FirstNet now controls.


Several industry experts also say the Mississippi network was grossly short of the number of towers needed to perform as advertised, perhaps helping to explain Motorola’s low bid.


Barbour, who left office in 2012 and whose political profile got such a lift from his aggressive response to Katrina that he flirted with a presidential run, dismissed criticism of the tower layout as premature. In an interview, he also contended that FirstNet “canceled our grant for no reason” because “they want to take over the system.”


As for the newly completed radio network, state officials say it performs well in every corner of the state. But they lack the $13 million per year needed to operate it.


Democratic state Rep. Tyrone Ellis, a former longtime chair of the House Public Utilities Committee who attended key decision-making meetings on the new systems, is worried.


“This has been a disaster for Mississippi,” he said.


What occurred in Mississippi isn’t an aberration.


In DuPage County, Ill., west of Chicago, a $7 million, noncompetitive contract with Motorola wound up costing more than $28 million.


California’s Riverside County awarded Motorola a $148 million contract for a new land-mobile digital radio system that was to be activated by July 2009. It’s been delayed by more than four years because of technical glitches, including busy signals on would-be emergency calls. The cost has risen to $172 million, said Kevin Crawford, the county’s information technology chief.


Raytheon Corp. appeared to have won a $600 million-plus deal to serve as prime contractor for new radio and broadband networks connecting agencies in Los Angeles County with more than 80 of its cities, including Los Angeles, after underbidding Motorola by more than $100 million.


But the deal never closed, and after a series of unusual events, Motorola Solutions won a contract for a modified radio network last fall by cutting its initial bid price by half, to a lowball $280 million, according to documents obtained by McClatchy under the California Sunshine Act.


Irked Raytheon executives withdrew.


Motorola Solutions declined to respond to specific questions about its contracting practices. But it said in a statement that it was an early participant in drafting Project 25, or P25, uniform design standards for public safety radios and faces vigorous competition from “more than 14 vendors.”


It’s true that more companies are vying for public safety radio dollars now that P25 has taken hold. The standards limit Motorola and other firms from embedding proprietary features in their equipment so that it cannot interact with radios made by other manufacturers, a practice that for years froze out many competitors.


Vicki Helfrich, executive director of the Mississippi Wireless Communications Commission, said that in her state, the P25 standards have driven down radio prices from more than $4,000 each to as low as $1,300.


But the goliath of the emergency radio business continues to collect the bulk of billions of dollars that city, county and state governments spend each year to create “interoperable” public safety communications networks, in which every first responder’s radio interacts with the others. Motorola’s latest annual financial statement, for the year ending Dec. 31, 2013, said that more than 70 percent of its business, or $6 billion, came from sales to governments. The company does not break out sales to state and local governments, but $3.9 billion of its government sales occurred in North America, including those to federal agencies.


Democratic Rep. Anna Eshoo of California, who has monitored the government’s expenditure of $80 billion a year on information technology, said that Motorola has had “a lock” on the public safety radio market “for a long, long, long time.”


“It’s a system that’s entrenched,” she said. “They know the individuals. They’ve been selling to them for a long time. . . . Once they have successfully secured a contract, they will play absolute hardball” to retain that market.


In a number of deals, Motorola has followed its initially low bid prices with “change orders” that significantly raised the final cost of a system or by reaping a windfall with additional orders for radios costing as much as $7,500 apiece.


An obvious question is whether Motorola has engaged in predatory pricing – underpricing products to hoard market share and drive competitors away. To date, Justice Department antitrust lawyers have shown no inclination to pursue such a case.


Predatory pricing suits are especially tough to bring because low bids translate to “lower prices in the short run (and) are recognized as a good thing for consumers,” said Hal Singer, a senior fellow at the Progressive Policy Institute, a liberal-leaning think tank, who has written extensively about antitrust law.


If a company submitted “a low-ball bid” and then recouped its losses through contract amendments that raised the final price, “that kind of predatory conduct might raise flags at the antitrust agencies,” he said.


Former Mississippi Gov. Barbour said that he was warned “about some companies that have a reputation for underbidding” and then recovering the money through costly contract modifications, known as change orders.


“We worked very, very hard regularly to make sure there weren’t change orders” on the radio contract, Barbour said.


It was tough talk, considering that within months of leaving office in 2012 Barbour registered as a federal lobbyist for Motorola Solutions.


––––––––


Multiple developments have raised suspicions that state officials steered the Mississippi contracts to Motorola.


During planning for a radio network years before Katrina, state officials asked the company to submit a cost estimate for a system on the UHF (ultra-high frequency) bandwidth.


Motorola’s main competitor, Virginia-based M/A-Com, wasn’t afforded that opportunity, recalled Victor Wardlaw, who was a Mississippi sales representative for M/A-Com at the time.


Nor was there competitive bidding after Katrina struck, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency awarded $11 million to Motorola to put up a temporary radio network along the Louisiana and Mississippi Gulf Coast. The contract was justified as an emergency measure but wasn’t awarded until 2007, nearly two years after the storm.


Reliable radio connections were critically needed not only for rescue efforts, but also for effective hurricane evacuations, when law enforcement reverses interstate highway lanes so all traffic flows away from the Gulf Coast.


Even before Katrina in early 2005, Barbour and the Mississippi legislature had created the Wireless Communications Commission to oversee an upgrade.


In the months after the storm, as Barbour and the state congressional delegation, began to push for funding, state and federal lobbyists for Motorola and M/A-Com seemed to be everywhere.


Some thought, however, that Motorola had the inside track for the radio contract from the moment the Mississippi Transportation Department hired a Columbia, S.C., engineering consultant, Buford Goff & Associates, which ultimately helped design both networks. The firm had a reputation for assisting state governments on large public safety communications deals that nearly always went to Motorola.


Mike Corbett, managing partner for Buford Goff’s communications group, said in a phone interview that it would be “false” to suggest that the firm slants project specifications to favor Motorola.


However, of more than two dozen city and state public safety radio projects in which Corbett estimated the firm has assisted government agencies over the last decade, Corbett couldn’t name one that went to a company other than Motorola.


M/A-Com was the only firm beside Motorola to respond to Mississippi’s solicitation to build a radio network on the 700-megahertz bandwidth, a span of the wireless spectrum being set aside for public safety agencies.


When the bids were opened in late 2006, M/A-Com executives were startled at the $90 million difference between their price and Motorola’s winning bid, a gap that was “unheard of,” said Wardlaw, the now-retired M/A-Com salesman.


Lawyers for M/A-Com asked a Hinds County judge to unseal Motorola’s pricing schedules, but the court accepted Motorola’s argument that the information was proprietary.


Helfrich of the state Wireless Communications Commission and William Buffington, the commission’s technical adviser, denied that the agency favored Motorola.


Willie Huff, the state transportation official who was on a panel that wrote the solicitation along with a Buford Goff representative and other state officials, said that M/A-Com may have padded its price with “risk dollars” because it was making its maiden pursuit of a contract for a P25 network on the 700-megahertz band.


“That doesn’t even hold water,” Wardlaw said when told of Huff’s comment. “We had P25. It’s nothing but software and building some narrow band boards. It doesn’t take a scientist to figure out.”


Wardlaw said he believes that M/A-Com’s price rose partly because the state’s project design crimped his company’s use of its “Open Sky” technology, in which some transmitters are hung inexpensively on utility poles and similar fixtures, rather than on towers that cost hundreds of thousands of dollars each. The state’s project specifications required that all equipment be contained in shelters, precluding use of the cheaper approach, he recalled.


M/A-Com’s system was used before Katrina by Harrison County, along the Gulf Coast, Wardlaw recalled, and unlike the state’s former Motorola network, it was still working after the hurricane and needed only minor repairs.


Motorola’s winning bid hinged on using dozens of state-owned towers from the existing system – towers later found to fall short of new U.S. Department of Homeland Security requirements for withstanding hurricane-force winds.


The problem led the state to strip towers from Motorola’s contract. An Alabama contractor agreed to build dozens of new towers for about a third of what Motorola normally charges, saving millions of dollars, said people familiar with the contract who declined to be identified for fear they would harm relationships.


A spokeswoman for Florida-based Harris Corp., which later bought M/A-Com, declined to comment on the bid price disparity. Nor could M/A-Com’s bid proposal be obtained for comparative purposes, because Mississippi agencies destroy bid proposals after three years.


Helfrich, who has served as the Wireless Communication Commission’s executive director for the last couple of years, said that nearly every state legislator with whom she speaks seems to presume that the contracting process favored Motorola.


No long-term solution for financing the system is in sight. Built to handle 64,000 subscribers and reach every corner of the state, it serves just 17,000 radios. The commission had planned to cover operations and maintenance costs by imposing $200 annual user fees on each radio that cities and counties hooked to the network, a strategy that scared away numerous jurisdictions.


Any county that joins the network would face big risks if the legislature refused to appropriate money to operate it, said Ken Winter, executive director of the Mississippi Police Chiefs Association and a former member of the Wireless Communication Commission’s advisory board.


Their costs “would triple or quadruple for maintenance and upkeep,” he said.



Hampton writes for the Sun Herald of Biloxi, Miss. Mulvany is a McClatchy special correspondent. Email: ggordon@mcclatchydc.com or jhampton@sunherald.com. Twitter: @greggordon2


How Motorola bested Raytheon and captured L.A. County’s emergency radio contract


It looked in the summer of 2011 as if electronics giant Raytheon Corp. had gained a major foothold in the U.S. emergency communications market long dominated by one company: Motorola.


Raytheon had been selected as the prime contractor for a sprawling, $600 million communications system connecting Los Angeles County’s public safety agencies with those of Los Angeles and more than 80 other cities in the county, two school districts and UCLA via the latest in two-way radio and high-speed broadband technology.


Raytheon’s negotiating team only needed to work out the design details with a joint government authority.


Yet two years later, the radio contract belongs not to Raytheon but to Motorola Solutions Inc., the Illinois-based firm that inherited public safety communications arm as part of its parent’s breakup in 2011. Motorola is also the only company vying for a now-separate broadband deal.


The contract size was sure to prompt a tussle between these two corporate giants. Instead, it was a slugfest.


Rather than signaling a new burst of competition in a taxpayer-financed market, the outcome is another reminder of how difficult it’s been for competitors to overcome Motorola’s dominance.


Like large urban areas across the country, Los Angeles County spent years working to meet a drumbeat of interoperability edicts from Washington. The goal was to unite local first responders in a seamless communication system that could withstand a terrorist strike, an earthquake, a wildfire or some other disaster.


In 2010, the newly formed Los Angeles Regional Interoperable Communications System, or LA-RICS, solicited bid proposals for a two-way radio system and a new broadband network while the county’s congressional delegation hustled to obtain $154 million in federal grants.


Raytheon assembled a team including Motorola’s biggest two-way radio rival, the Florida-based Harris Corp.


Motorola hooked up with defense contractor General Dynamics, among others.


The bids were still being evaluated in early December 2010 when Motorola recruited William Bratton, a former police chief in Boston and New York and, from 2002 to 2009, the head of the Los Angeles Police Department, to its corporate board. Bratton also had served as LA-RICS’ vice chair while it framed plans for the new networks.


Over the last three years, until he recently accepted a second tour of duty as New York’s top cop, Bratton received roughly $750,000 in cash and stock from Motorola, according to company filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission.


In a phone interview, Bratton described LA-RICS officials as “pretty assiduous in terms of outside influence.” He said he never discussed the radio and broadband contracts with them.


“Other than being on the board and briefed on it, (I) played no role in it,” he said.


Motorola also had for several years retained the Los Angeles lobbying firm of Englander Knabe & Allen, one of whose principals is Matt Knabe, son of County Supervisor Don Knabe. The firm says there’s no conflict of interest because Matt Knabe avoids lobbying his father.


For its part, Raytheon hired Michael Bostic, a former assistant L.A. police chief who had overseen two-way radio purchases.


Connections aside, Raytheon’s team easily won the bidding with a price of more than $600 million for the complete package, while Motorola bid was at least $100 million more, with the radio system alone pegged at about $550 million, according to documents obtained under the California Sunshine Act.


Raytheon and the joint powers authority were in a final exclusive bargaining period when things got tangled.


A Los Angeles County attorney declared that the procurement violated an arcane state law because it bundled the radio and broadband systems with the construction of towers in a single “turn-key” contract. Under the law, construction projects had to be bid separately, the attorney reported.


Patrick Mallon, the executive director of LA-RICS, said in a phone interview that if the authority had proceeded, construction bids would have had to have been taken for each of 300 towers, posing “astronomical risks” if anything went wrong.


Motorola, however, had for years built turn-key projects in California that mingled tower construction and radio electronics.


The state legislature rushed a legislative fix into law, but LA-RICS started the process anew anyway, breaking the radio and broadband networks into separate contracts.


At an Aug. 9, 2011, meeting of the county board, Supervisor Michael Antonovich remarked that the decision “really doesn’t pass the smell test” and fretted about “back-door manipulations that could be taking place.”


Round two hadn’t gotten far when Raytheon cried foul.


In a May 4, 2012, letter to the county, a copy of which was obtained by McClatchy, an attorney for Raytheon wrote that bid evaluators selected for the radio contract lacked technical expertise.


The Raytheon attorney also cited a Motorola letter sent to the county after the 2011 bidding, but just obtained by Raytheon, asserting that Motorola could “extrapolate” Raytheon’s first-round bid because LA-RICS had shared its procurement scoring formula.


LA-RICS’ executive director, Mallon, said he believed both sides knew the formula, but LA-RICS attorney Amanda Drukker said she wasn’t so sure.


In the final round, the radio system was revised to end Los Angeles’ use of a commercial television band width and shift to a 700-megahertz band set aside for emergency communications. Motorola’s winning bid was a jaw-dropper: $280 million, or about half of its first-round bid and $135 million below Raytheon’s price of $415 million.


Mallon said he’s proud that the agency “ran a procurement that was totally objective.”


The question is, will contract modifications raise Motorola’s price?


For example, public records show that LA-RICS’ subject matter experts concluded that many of Motorola’s towers exceeded government height limits, a characterization that Mallon disputed.


If shorter towers must be built, more towers costing up to $1 million each will be required, because their signals don’t extend as far. The authority has agreed to hold Motorola responsible for no more than $2 million of any additional tower costs.


Raytheon didn’t formally protest the outcome.


In a Sept. 3 letter to the county, it complained that LA-RICS’ evaluation process “does not appropriately . . . adjust the bids” of those whose proposals fail to comply with the project specifications.


Raytheon also announced that it was dropping out of the broadband competition and left empty handed.



Mulvany is a McClatchy special correspondent. Email: ggordon@mcclatchydc.com; Twitter: @GregGordon2


Misrepresentations help Motorola get a $50 million federal grant


As a Motorola saleswoman from 2004 to 2006, Laura Phillips coached local officials on how to secure state and federal grant money to pay for new public safety radio equipment.


Later, Phillips used her knowledge in a much different way.


When she was put at the helm of a government agency overseeing funding for emergency communication projects in the San Francisco Bay Area, her office shepherded an unusual federal grant that handed her former employer a $50 million deal to build the nation’s first regional high-speed broadband network for emergency responders.


The episode shines light on what might be called a reverse revolving door: Instead of leaving government for private industry or lobbying jobs, numerous employees of Motorola and its rivals have quit their private-sector jobs for government positions in which they’ve taken actions benefiting their ex-employers.


In Phillips’ case, critics charged that her office pursued the grant without the knowledge of some of the six affected major cities and counties and that Motorola competitors got little shot at the deal. Phillips denied favoring Motorola, but her maneuverings sowed so much distrust that she wound up in the crosshairs of a federal investigation.


Investigators for the Commerce Department’s inspector general’s office ultimately concluded that Phillips’ office rammed through a grant application that was rife with “significant misrepresentations,” including that a joint authority for 10 Bay Area counties existed a year before its first meeting.


Phillips wasn’t found to have engaged in misconduct, but the project is now dead.


In Anchorage, Tryg Erickson said he spent more than a quarter-century working as a Motorola salesman before leaving in 2005 to take a job as director of communications and electronics for Alaska’s biggest city. Two years later, the city bought a $25 million radio system from Motorola without soliciting proposals from other vendors. Instead, it adopted terms from a competitively bid contract that the state had awarded to the company in 1999, Erickson recalled.


The citywide public safety system was a project, he said, that “everyone knew would go to Motorola.”


“My previous customer was my predecessor” in the city job, he said, “and that’s not as uncommon as it would seem. There’s pretty much Motorola and anybody else.”


John Powell, chair of a National Public Safety Telecommunications Council panel on emergency radios, said that the problem is significant enough that restrictions are needed to bar employees of government vendors from taking local and state jobs in which they influence grant or contract awards. Such rules, he said, could be modeled after Pentagon restrictions covering personnel who migrate to the private sector.


“I think there’s a natural tendency, whether you could ever prove it or not, for such employees to support the technology from the company for which they worked, particularly if they still have stock in those companies,” Powell said in a phone interview.


Phillips initially left Motorola to serve as chief of San Francisco’s Emergency Communications Department under then-Mayor Gavin Newsom, although her main qualifying experience was as a radio dispatch manager in Sunnyvale, Calif.


In 2007, after her office struggled to respond when a container ship rammed the base of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge, she was shifted to a job heading a new agency managing the flow of state and federal grants.


At the Bay Area Urban Areas Security Initiative, Phillips often operated in secrecy. She hired two other former Motorola employees and set about pursuing funding to build the nation’s first high-speed public safety data and video network, to be known as BayWEB. It would serve the cities of San Francisco, San Jose and Oakland, as well as their surrounding counties.


However, a broader joint powers authority that would govern the process had yet to form.


Without advising the three cities or Santa Clara County, Phillips’ office moved ahead on their behalf, seeking approval from the Federal Communications Commission to use a slice of the wireless spectrum for BayWEB, federal investigators found.


Her office drew interest in building such a project from eight firms, include AT&T, Northrop Grumman and Motorola. After learning in early 2010 that the Commerce Department was about to dispense public safety broadband grants, Phillips’ office asked the eight firms to summarize their approaches, this time eliciting four responses.


Months later, leaders of the three large cities learned that Phillips’ office had forged a highly unusual “public-private partnership” to win a $50.6 million grant for Motorola and Alameda County Sheriff Greg Ahern. Motorola agreed to put up matching funds to cover the rest of the $72 million project.


Stunned officials of San Jose and other jurisdictions balked at joining the new system, fearing its cost could balloon to $600 million, much of it falling on participating cities and counties. They also questioned several assertions in the grant application, including that Motorola had nearly 200 “shovel ready” antenna sites, later shown to be an exaggeration.


The grant application contained “absolutely clear . . . and knowing misrepresentations,” said Emily Harrison, deputy chief executive of Santa Clara County.


The Commerce Department investigators concluded that the misleading information was “not attributable” to Motorola and found no “overt favoritism” toward the company.


Phillips and Clement Ng, who sent out the notice later referred to as a formal request for bids, soon left their jobs.


Reached at her current position with the Federal Emergency Management Agency, Phillips said via email that state and federal investigators had found “no improprieties” and referred other questions to agencies in California.


Barry Fraser, general manager for the Bay Area joint powers authority overseeing BayWEB, had shared ambitions of extending the network as far as 50 miles east, even to Sacramento, which he said had expressed interest.


To move forward, however, BayWEB still needed to lease space on the federal wireless spectrum. Motorola could not agree to terms with FirstNet, a new Commerce Department unit tasked by Congress to create a nationwide emergency broadband system.


In December, with the work on BayWEB underway, FirstNet’s board halted funding for the project.



Mulvany is a McClatchy special correspondent. Email: ggordon@mcclatchydc.com; Twitter: @greggordon2