BEIRUT: The Hezbollah-linked Resistance Brigades in Sidon has frequently been associated with security events in the city over the last three years, ever since the rise of the Brigades and the emergence of fundamentalists such as fugitive Sheikh Ahmad al-Assir.
However, the rise of the Brigades and their role in Sidon has come at the expense of some of Hezbollah’s allies in the area, such as the Popular Nasserite Organization, with a number of their members switching allegiance to the former to take advantage of better salaries and other benefits.
As a result the Brigades is made of a hybrid of various groups, a number of men who used to make it their business to cause chaos in the city, and armed groups in some poor and overcrowded areas.
The Brigades phenomenon, since its creation in 2011, has persisted in the face of several ups and downs. It seemed to reach its peak when Assir was at his most problematic.
Sidon has suffered for more than two years from the Brigades effect, enduring everything from general tensions to armed protests, roadblocks and shootings.
The latest incident occurred last week in the Taamir neighborhood, which lies just outside the entrance to the notorious Ain al-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp – Lebanon’s largest – promptly thrusting the group back into the limelight.
The Internal Security Forces clashed last Thursday with members of the Resistance Brigades when the ISF unit engaged in a failed attempt to detain a member of the group who was accused of shooting at a police unit during a brief exchange of fire earlier between the two sides.
The group eventually handed the shooter over to the ISF Friday, according to a security source.
The incident coincided with the return of talks about rehabilitating, arming and holding military training courses for the Brigades.
The clashes prompted speculation regarding the real mission of the Resistance Brigades, its motive for messing with Sidon’s stability, and who could benefit from such a move.
Last week’s confrontation also raised questions about the future of the notorious Taamir area, which has witnessed a number of security problems due to the heavy presence of extremists and jihadis. The Brigades are almost always involved in the clashes that happen there.
Taamir is marked by extreme poverty and tough living conditions, and the majority of its residents are Lebanese. The area was rebuilt after an earthquake in 1958 led to the destruction of much of old Sidon.
Some among Taamir’s residents have been influenced by the phenomenon of political Islam, but the neighborhood, which was historically a popular hub for national and Arab movements, is not de facto a terrorist haven.
Regardless, Hezbollah has succeeded in entering the area, either directly via Shiite families that were politically affiliated with the late Maarouf Saad, a former Sidon representative in the Parliament, or indirectly by providing young men with money and weapons through the Resistance Brigades.
Two years ago there were armed clashes there between members of Hezbollah and Assir’s supporters, which resulted in the killing of three.
All of this has increased tensions, which have not been helped by rumors that Hezbollah has continued to provide financial, political and security support for Brigades members who have become especially unpopular following the clash with the Lebanese security forces.
The clashes last week have disturbed the whole area, and were condemned by most of the political and social leaders in Sidon.
Local officials insist that Taamir will not turn into a security sinkhole that threatens Lebanese civil peace and unity, and have advised Hezbollah to exercise control over the Brigades’ behavior.
Also condemning the incident, the Future Movement in a statement Tuesday raised concerns over the prevalence of the resistance’s arms across Lebanon and called on Hezbollah to abstain from nurturing militant groups, whether the Resistance Brigades or any other organization.
Waving from her balcony, Mona Darwish admits that underneath her smile she is both worried and concerned. Still, she added, “Taamir has a God to protect it.”
Taamir’s residents have been united by the poverty, misery and neglect they have had to face, not to mention the Israeli occupation for several years during the ‘80s.
But there are new problems to face now, not least the increasing sectarianism seen all over the country.
One Taamir resident, Aisha, commented: “More than 50 years have passed, and I never knew that [my neighbor] Abou Mohammad al-Masri is Shiite. Where did this sectarianism come from?”
Locals in this part of Lebanon do not hide their mounting concerns about the increasing boldness of the Resistance Brigades, with some of them criticizing the use of the word “resistance” in their name.
“What do they [Brigades members] have to do with resistance?” said one Sidonian, describing them as outcasts.
“We respect Hezbollah for resisting Israel and we still love it but it has to chain the hands of those people [Brigades members],” Umm Ibrahim added.
In the last clash, the wisdom of Palestinian leaders, which limited the clash to Taamir only without allowing it to reach the camp, was noticeable. Nineteen members of the Brigades are suspected to have participated in last week’s clashes and are now wanted by Lebanese authorities, principally Mohammad Abed al-Halim al-Dirani, a Brigades chief in lower Taamir, security sources said.
Four others, Palestinian Mohammad Adnan Ahmad, Khaled Abed Nasser Ajouz, Ali Sobhi al-Batakji and Hazem al-Khatib, have since been arrested by the Information Branch of the ISF.
A meeting was held in Beirut this week between ISF officers and others from Hezbollah, well-informed sources said.
During the meeting, the two sides discussed the last Taamir incident, and they considered the file closed now that the suspects have been arrested.
